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TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  1 4580 

(716)  872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


1980 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


0    Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


D 
D 
D 
D 

n 


n 


□ 


Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagde 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  pelliculde 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serr^e  peut  causer  de  t'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int^rieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout^es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  dtait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  filmdes. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentaires; 


L'Institut  a  microfilmd  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  ddtailat 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m^thode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquds  ci-dessous. 


I      I    Coloured  pages/ 


D 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag6es 

Pages  restored  and/o 

Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pelliculdes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxe^ 
Pages  d6color6es.  tachet6es  ou  piqu^es 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d6tach6es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  in^gale  de  I'impression' 

Includes  supplementary  materia 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplementaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


I — I  Pages  damaged/ 

I — I  Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

I — I  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 

I      I  Pages  detached/ 

I      I  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

I      I  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

I — I  Only  edition  available/ 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  dt6  film^es  d  nouveau  de  fapon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


s/ 

10X 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmd  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqud  ci-dessous. 

14X 18X 22X 

I   \   I   I   \   I   I   \   \   M   \ 


26X 


SOX 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  of  the  Public 
Archives  of  Canada 


L'exemplaire  filmi  fut  reprodult  grAce  d  la 
g6n6ro8it6  de: 

La  bibliothdque  des  Archives 
publiques  du  Canada 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettetd  de  l'exemplaire  film6,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, oi  *'he  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimde  sont  filmds  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmds  en  commenpant  par  la 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^^^  (meaning  "COI^- 
TINUED  "),  or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END  "), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  -^^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  cha'ts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
filmds  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reprodult  en  un  seul  clich6,  il  est  film6  d  partir 
de  I'angle  sup^rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  ndcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


1  2  3 


32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

^m^mifmm'^'mm: 


M 


^P' 


THE 


PROPOSED  RECIPROCITY  TREATY: 


H 


HI 


AN  ADDRESS 


DELIVEBED 


BY  REQUEST  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  OP  THE  LEADING  MANUPACTURINO 
INDUSTRIES  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


AT  THE 


ACADEMY  OF  MUSIC,  PHILADELPHIA, 


OCTOItEB  m,  1874. 


BY 


Hon.  WM.  D.  KELLEY. 


PHILADELPHIA; 
COLLINS,  PRINTER,  705  JAYl^E   STREET. 

1874. 


p 


PHI 


BY  I 


i 


(1^) 


bo    !?£ 


THE 


PROPOSED  RECIPROCITY  TREATY: 


AN  ADDllESS 


DELIVERED 


BY  REQUEST  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE   LEADING  MANUFACTURING 
INDUSTRIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


AT   THE 


ACADEMY  OF  MUSIC,  PHILADELPHIA, 


OCTOBER  'JS,  1874. 


BY 


Hon.  WM.  D.  KELLEY. 


PHiLADELPHIA: 
COLLINS,  PRINTER,  705  JAYNE   STREET 

1874. 


RECIPROCITY  TREATY. 


Ladies  and  Gentlemen  : 

Regarding  the  so-called  reciprocity  treaty  now  pending  l)ofore 
the  Senate  of  tlic  United  States  as  one  of  tlie  most  in'iportant 
measures  ever  submitted  to  tliat  body,  I  clieerfully  comply  with 
the  request  of  the  representatives  of  the  manufacturing  and  indus- 
trial interests  of  Philadelphia  to  express  my  views  upon  it ;  and 
without  detaining  you  with  preliminary  remarks  will  proceed  at 
once  to  the  consideration  of  the  subject. 

The  Source  of  British  Supremacy. 
The  story  of  the  British  army  and  navy  is  a  continuous  page  of 
glory,  the  lustre  of  which  is  rarely  dimmed  by  a  cloud  even  such  as 
those  our  fathers  cast  upon  it  by  their  success  in  achieving  the 
independence  of  the  colonies,  and  during  the  war  of  1812.     y'et  in 
no  sense  has  England  made  her  chief  or  most  remunerative  con- 
quests by  means  of  her  army  and  navy.     Diplomacy  is  the  instru- 
mentality by  which    these  have  been  achieved;   and  should   the 
treaty  now  pending  be  ratified  and  submitted  to  by  the  American 
people  it  would,  though  her  representatives  would  have  us  believe 
that  it  is  simply  a  measure  providing  for  a  reciprocal  treaty  between 
the  Dominion  of  Canada  and  the  United  States,  be  tlie*^  grandest 
and  most  profitable  of  her  diplomatic  conquests.     The  Imperial 
government,  so  they  would  make  us  believe,  does  but  consent  that 
the  Canrcdian  government  may  propose  to  the  government  of  the 
United  States  the  terms  of  sucli  a  treaty,  and  that  its  minister  at 
Washington,  as  an  act  of  grace  towards  the  provinces,  may  conduct 
negotiations  relating  thereto,  in  conjunction  with  a  representative 
of  Canada.     Meanwhile  we  are  not  to  be  permitted  to  know  that 
England  is  the  party  supremely  interested,  and  the  only  one  of^ 
the  contracting  parties  to  whose  honor  and  profit  the  treaty  wiU 
redound. 


The  Canadians  do  not  want  the  Treaty. 

Tho  phviise  a  "■  put  up  .iol>"  is  probably  unknown  to  diplomatic 
circles,  though  it  is  often  used  in  the  neighborhood  of  police  otlices 
and  criniiual  courts.  Tiong  years  ago,  when  I  prosecuted  the  pleas 
of  this  county,  I  learned  that  this  ill-sounding  phrase  expressed  the 
fact  that  crafty  people  had  so  arranged  circumstances  as  to  enable 
them  to  charge  an  innocent  party  who  migiit  be  obnoxious  to  them 
with  a  criminal  or  discreditable  transaction,  and  thus  induce  the 
government  to  put  him  out  of  their  way ;  and  if  this  treaty  should 
be  approved  by  the  Senate",  and  ratified  Ity  the  President,  the  phrase 
should  thencefoi'th  be  incorporated  into  the  language  of  diplomacj'; 
for  the  Canadian  people  do  not  ask  for  a  renewal  of  reciprocity, 
are  opposed  to  almost  every  provision  of  the  scheme  now  proposed 
in  their  name,  and  will  suUer  from  some  of  its  provisions  more 
vitall}'  than  we  can  from  any  of  them.  They  number  but  four 
millions,  and  it  will  bind  them  in  perpetual  vassalage ;  but  as  we 
number  forty  millions,  we  ma}',  by  the  free  use  of  our  army,  navy, 
and  militia,  now  so  largely  composed  of  tried  veterans,  emancipate 
ourselves.  Not  onl}'  do  the  Canadians  not  desire  this  treaty,  but 
man}-  of  them  denounce  it  as  a  job  put  up  by  the  British  govern- 
ment and  the  ambitious  leaders  of  their  own  Dominion  who  recog- 
nize the  Imperial  government  as  the  fountain  of  wealth  and  honor. 


A  Few  English  Diplomatic  Conquests. 

Before  proceeding  to  the  consideration  of  the  details  of  the 
treaty,  and  pointing  out  the  dangers  with  which  its  provisions 
threaten  tho  industries  and  finances  of  Canada  and  the  United 
States,  let  me  call  your  attention  to  a  few  of  England's  diplomatic 
conquests,  which  will  serve  to  illustrate  the  means  by  which  she 
extends  her  commerce  and  forces  her  productions  upon  foreign 
nations,  to  the  destruction  of  their  enterprise  and  the  prevention 
of  the  development  of  their  natural  resources.  In  1535  Europe 
trembled  before  the  advancing  hordes  of  Solyman  the  Magnificent, 
the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  from  whose  victorious  grasp  Vienna  had  just 
narrowly  escaped.  All  Europe  trembled  before  the  steady  con- 
quests of  the  Moslem  chief.  But  notwithstanding  this  almost 
universal  fear,  Francis  the  First  and  Charles  the  Fifth  found  time 
to  train  their  armies  in  a  war  between  France  and  the  German 
Empire.  In  this  war  England  was  not  engaged,  yet  one  of  its 
incidents  paved  the  way  to  her  conquest  of  Turkey,  which  she  now 
holds  in  subjection  to  her  will  almost  as  completely  as  she  does 
Ireland  or  India,  both  of  whom  are  victims  rather  of  her  dii)lomacy 


th 


ed 


ta 
di 
to 


go 


than  of  licr  prowess.  Frnncis,  anxious  to  avenge  tlic  defeat  of 
Pavia,  made  secret  [)roposals  to  the  Porte  for  an  alliance  by  means 
of  which  he  could  threaten  the  introduction  of  the  Moslem  into 
Italy.  The  Turk  was  too  proud  to  bind  himself  by  a  treaty,  but, 
calling  it  a  truce  or  armistice,  he  entered  into  stipulations  with 
France  which  received  the  name  of  capitulations,  l^efore  that  time 
no  Christian  country  had  entered  into  treaty  relations  or  other 
conventiouH  with  the  infidel,  and  Francis  brought  himself  into  dis- 
credit with  all  Christian  powers  by  having  thus  recognized  the 
Moslem  as  a  power  that  ought  to  exist.  lie  was  denounced  in 
every  tongue  and  at  every  court.  It  wffs  then  for  the  first  time 
that  Europe  declared  one  traitor  to  be  worse  than  ten  Turks.  IJut 
bitter  as  were  the  denunciations  of  Christian  rulers  they  were  with- 
drawn when  it  was  discovered  that  the  terms  Francis  had  made 
were  good  for  trade.  Having  discovered  this  they  not  only  held 
their  peace,  but  hastened  to  enter  into  like  capitulations.  Venice 
concluded  hers  in  less  than  (ive  years;  Austria  hers  in  1507;  Fug- 
land  did  not  succeed  until  1570,  ten  years  after  the  original  articles 
had  been  renewed;  and  Holland  not  until  1598.  Among  the 
renewed  capitulations  was  a  provision  tliat  the  duties  on  the 
importation  of  manufactures  into  Turkey  should  be  fixed  at  three 
per  cent,  ad  valorem,  and  of  this  provision  England  got  the  benefit. 
It  was  not,  let  me  leniark  in  passing,  stipulated  that  the  duty 
should  be  calculated  on  the  value  of  the  article  in  Turkey,  and  the 
practice  has  been  for  foreign  exporters  to  fix  their  value  and  thus 
determine  the  amount  on  which  the  three  per  cent,  should  be  paid. 
Of  course,  the  glories  of  the  Ottoman  power  soon  vanished,  and 
poor  Turkey  has  been  known  to  our  generation  as  the  Sick  Man  of 
Europe.  The  Turk,  though  invincible  in  arms,  was  enslaved  by 
diplomacy. 

Encouraged  by  her  success  at  Constantinople,  England  sought 
similar  treaties  with  the  States  on  the  Barbary  coast — with  Tunis, 
Tripoli,  Morocco,  and  subsequently  forced  such  provisions  u})on 
Persia,  Muscat,  Siam,  Japan,  and  China.  It  is  due  to  her  to  say 
that  in  some  instances  she  has  permitted  her  victims  to  exact  as 
high  as  five  per  cent,  duty  on  the  English  valuation  of  goods.  A 
writer  in  the  Fortnightly  Metneio  for  July  last,  to  whom  I  acknowl- 
edge my  indebtedness,  says : — 

"  In  the  same  way  and  at  the  same  time,  we  have  everywhere  ob- 
tained that  our  goods  shall  be  imported  into  all  these  countries  at 
duties  of  either  three  or  five  per  cent.  We  are  continuing  to  apply 
to  Eastern  nations  this  double  system  of  tariti's  and  jurisdiction  of 
goods  and  judges.    To  attain  those  ends  we  use  all  sorts  of  means, 


from  courteous  invitations  to  Iioinbardnicnts.  Wo  prefer  to  oniploy 
lucre  el()<iiieiicc,  hecausc  it  is  clieap  and  easy  ;  Ijut  if  taliviii<''  I'ails 
we  follow  it  np  by  j>unl)oat8,  and  in  tliat  convincing  way  Ave  induce 
hesitating  '  barbarians'  not  only  to  accept  our  two  unvarying  con- 
ditions, but  also  to  pay  the  cost  of  the  expedition  by  whicli  their 
consent  to  these  conditions  was  extorted  from  them.  AVe  tried 
jiatienee  and  polite  proposals  with  Tunis,  Tripoli,  and  Morocco. 
Cliina  was  so  unwilling  to  listen  to  our  advice,  so  blind  to  the 
striking  merits  of  our  opium  and  our  consuls,  that  we  were  obliged, 
with  great  regret,  to  resort  to  gentle  force  witli  her.  .Japan  pre- 
sents the  most  curious  «xaniplo  of  the  series ;  it  is  made  up  of 
ignorance  circMmvented  and  of  indignation  frightened.  Indeed,  if 
we  iiad  sjjace  for  it,  the  story  of  the  Japan  treaties  would  be  worth 
telling,  because  it  is  a  very  special  one,  because  it  is  the  newest 
triumpli  of  our  justice  abroad,  and  because  it  may  be  taken  as  in- 
dicative of  our  present  '  manner,'  as  painters  say." 

Reciprocity  Eradicated  the  Woollen  Factories  of  Portugal. 

Unlike  these  cases  was  that  of  the  famous  Methuen  treaty  of 
1084  with  Portugal.  The  Portuguese  had  made  great  progress  in 
the  manufacture  of  woollen  goods,  and  had  become  immense  pro- 
ducers of  wool.  The  people  steadily  increased  in  prosperity,  and 
the  government  found  annually  iucreasing  revenues  llowing  into 
its  colters.  Tracing  these  good  results  to  the  establishment  of  man- 
ufactures, the  government  prohibited  the  i'ltroduction  of  woollen 
goods  from  other  countries,  but  unhappily  named  the  articles  i)ro- 
hibited.  English  manufacturers  evaded  the  prohil)ition  by  chang- 
ing the  names  and  modifying  the  character  of  their  productions. 
Serges  and  druggets  were  names,  then  wholly  unknown  to  the 
Portuguese,  but  with  which  the  English  were  soon  to  make  them 
familiar  by  Hooding  their  markets  with  goods  competing  with  their 
own  i)roductions  under  these  hitherto  unknown  names.  Determin- 
ing to  protect  the  industries  of  its  people  and  its  own  revenues,  the 
Portuguese  govennnent  proliiljited  the  importation  of  articles  bear- 
ing these  new  names  and  of  woollen  cloths  generally. 

English  manufacturers,  finding  themselves  excluded  from  Portu- 
guese markets,  invoked  the  aid  of  their  governm.ent,  and  demanded 
that  it  should  destro}'  these  industries  which  threatened  their  pro- 
fits and  their  commercial  supremac}'.  The  establishment  and  pro- 
tection of  manufactures  was,  however,  not  a  recognized  cause  of  war. 
The  arm}'  and  navy  were,  therefore,  i)owerIess  in  the  premises,  but 
the  British  government  did  not  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  the  appeal,  and 
would  try  what  diplomac}'  might  accomplish,  and  Methuen,  her 


IS. 

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wily  ri'pi'cscntiitivo,  whispering  reciprocity  to  tlie  rortui^uosc  ^oy- 
crmnunt,  8ii<^<j;cst('(l  visions  of  coinnjercial  greatness.  Wlinl  if 
Portngal,  by  tlie  ndniission  of  licr  wines  Tree  of  duty  into  Ih'itish 
ports,  shouhl  be  enabled  to  exclude  those  of  Frunee  and  Oerniany, 
mid  thus  enjoy  a  monopoly  of  the  IJritish  wine  market!'  How 
Would  other  countries  be  abased  and  I'ortngnl  exalted  by  such  iv 
result?  Having  thus  touched  the  and»ition  of  the  government,  it 
was  easy  to  suggest  that  Portugal  and  England  shoidd  l)y  perpetual 
treat}'  agreu  that  the  wines  of  the  former  and  the  woollen  manufac- 
tures of  the  latter  should,  in  a  spirit  of  fraternal  reciprocity,  be 
admitted  into  the  respective  countries* free  of  dut}'.  The  spider 
had  charmed  the  lly.     The  treaty  was  made. 

Of  the  elfcc^t  of  this  recii)rocity  upon  Portugal  and  Kngland,  a 
writer  in  tlic  lirifis/i  Mervhanlman,  a  few  years  after,  said: — 

"IJefore  tiie  treaty  our  woollen  goods,  woollen  serges,  and  cloth 
products  were  prohibited  in  Portugal.  They  had  set  up  fabrics 
there  for  niaUing  cloth  and  proceeded  with  very  good  success,  anil 
we  might  juslly  apprehend  they  would  have  gone  on  to  erect  other 
fabrics,  until  at  last  they  had  served  themselves  with  every  species 
of  woollen  manufactures.  The  treaty  takes  olfall  prohibitions  and 
pledges  Portugal  to  admit,  forever,  all  our  woollen  manuractures. 
Their  own  faltrics,  by  this  means,  were  perfectly  ruined,  and  we 
exported  one  hundred  thousand  pounds,  sterling  value,  of  the 
single  article  of  cloths  the  very  year  after  the  treaty.  The  court 
was  pesteri'd  with  remonstrances  from  their  manufacturers,  when 
the  prohibition  was  taken  oil",  pursuant  to  Mr.  Methuen's  treat}', 
but  the  thing  was  passed,  the  treat}'  was  ratified,  and  their  looms 
were  all  ruined." 

It  would  Impoverish  our  People  and  Involve  us  in  War  with  England. 

Let  me  not  be  misunderstood.  I  do  not  mean  to  intimate  that 
the  ratification  of  the  pending  tieaty  would  reduce  the  United 
(States  to  the  condition  of  Turkey,  Portugal,  or  China.  What  1 
aflirm  is  that,  while  closing  the  mines  anil  destroying  many  of  the 
industries  of  Canada,  it  would  revive  the  languishing  trade  and 
commerce  of  England,  and  reduce  a  number  of  our  leading  indus- 
tries to  such  a  condition  as  would  impel  the  impoverished  and 
sutTering  peo[)le  to  force  the  Government  to  disregard  the  stipula- 
tions of  the  treaty,  though  it  should  involve  us  in  years  of  war,  and 
again  drive  our  shipping  from  tlie  seas. 


8 


Some  Provisions  of  the  Treaty. 

In  order  that  you  may  judge  whether  this  suggestion  is  an  ex- 
treme one,  let  me  invite  your  attention  to  some  of  its  provisions: — 

It  proposes  to  restore  to  us  the  right  we  held  prior  to  the  treaty 
of  1818,  of  taking,  curing,  and  drying  fish  in  and  along  the  inshore 
lisheries  of  the  Dominion,  and  that  in  consideration  «f  the  restora- 
tion of  this  right  the  fishermen  of  the  Dominion  may  enjoy  the 
same  riglits  on  our  coast  as  far  south  as  the  thirty-ninth  parallel, 
wiiich  they  have  not  hitherto  done.  In  so  far  I  can  discover  only 
harmless  and  substantial  reciprocity. 

How  Long  it  is  to  Bind  Us. 

It  proposes  that  the  articles,  being  the  growth,  product,  or  man- 
ufacture of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  or  of  the  United  States,  enu- 
Fuerated  in  three  extended  schedules,  shall,  on  their  importation  from 
the  one  country  into  the  other,  from  tlic  1st  day  of  Juh',  1875,  to 
the  30th  day  of  June,  187G,  both  included,  pay  only  two-thirds  of 
the  duties  payable  at  tiie  date  of  the  treaty,  on  such  importations, 
and  from  the  1st  day  of  July,  1876,  to  the  aOth  of  July,  1877.  shall 
pay  only  one-third  of  such  duties,  and  on  and  after  the  1st  day  of 
July,  1877,  for  a  period  of  twenty-one  years,  sucli  goods  shall  be 
admitted  free  of  duty  into  each  country  respectively.  Without 
pausing  to  consider  the  articles  embraced  in  these  schedules,  let  me 
bring  other  of  its  propositions  to  your  attention. 

It  will  Extend  the  British  Frontier  to  the  Port  of  New  York. 

It  proposes  to  extend  the  British  frontier,  which  is  our  weak 
point  in  case  of  war  with  Great  Britain,  to  and  through  Lake 
Champlaiu  and  the  Hudson  River  to  the  wharves  of  New  York  and 
Jersey  Cit}',  and  along  the  St.  Clair  Flats  Canal  and  the  Sault  Ste. 
Marie  Canal,  and  to  so  improve  and  enlarge  these  channels  that 
British  vessels  of  war  drawing  not  more  than  twelve  feet  may  tra- 
verse, and  in  the  event  of  war  occupy  them  all,  and  thus  harass  and 
invest  Buffalo,  Erie,  Cleveland,  Chicago,  Milwaukee,  Detroit,  Du- 
luth,  and  other  cities  and  towns  upon  the  lakes. 

In  making  this  statement  1  do  not  quote  the  text  of  the  treat}', 
but  express  a  possibility  its  projector  evidently  had  in  view.  The 
treaty  being  one  of  amit}'^,  for  the  promotion  of  reciprocal  trade, 
such  suggestions  could  have  no  place  in  its  text.  But  let  us  see 
whether  its  draftsman  may  not  have  contemplated  such  possibilities. 

Article  \.  stipulates  that  the  Canadian  canals  on  the  main  route 
from  Ijake  Erie  to  Montreal  shall  be  enlarged  forthwith,  at  the  ex- 


9 


pense  of  Canada,  so  as  to  admit  the  passage  of  vessels  drawing 
twelve  feet  of  water,  tlie  locks  not  to  be  less  than  270  feet  in  length, 
45  feet  in  width,  and  of  not  less  than  12  feet  in  depth  on  the  mitre 
sill,  and  that  the  channel  of  the  St.  Lawrence  shall  be  deepened 
in  the  reaches  between  the  canals  so  as  to  allow  the  free  passage  of 
vessels  drawing  twelve  feet. 

Article  YL  stipulates  t'>at  Canada  shall,  before  the  1st  of  Janu- 
ary, 1880,  construct  a  canal  of  like  dimensions  to  connect  the  St. 
Lawrence  at  a  point  near  Cauhnawaga  with  Lake  Champlain,  and 
binds  the  United  States  to  urge  the  government  of  the  State  of  New 
York  to  cause  the  canal  at  Whitehall  on  Lake  Champlain  to  Albany 
to  bo  enlarged,  and  if  necessary  extended,  or  another  or  other  canals 
to  be  constructed  of  equal  capacity  with  tlie  Caughnawaga  canal, 
and  the  navigation  of  the  Hudson  River  to  be  improved,  so  as  to 
admit  the  passage  to  the  lower  waters  of  the  Hudson  River  of 
vessels  drawing  twelve  feet  of  water. 

When  this  shall  all  have  been  accomplished,  will  not,  I  ask  you, 
the  maritime  frontier  of  tiie  British  provinces  have  been  extended 
to  the  wharves  of  New  York,  and  an  ample  channel  have  been  pro- 
vided for  the  approach  of  English  war  vessels  of  light  draught  to 
our  commercial  metropolis? 

Tiie  pi'ovisions  of  Article  YIIL,  which  secure  the  free  use  of  these 
channels  to  Canadian  vessels,  are  so  complicated,  and  expressed 
with  so  much  subtlety,  that  I  prefer  to  state  them  in  the  language 
of  the  treaty.     They  are  as  follows: — 

"  It  is  agreed,  that  for  the  term  of  years  mentioned  in  A  rticle  XIIL 
of  this  treaty,  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  shall  enjoy  the  use 
of  the  Welland,  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  other  canals  in  the  Dominion 
of  Canada  (including  the  proposed  Caughnawaga  Canal),  on  terms 
of  equality  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  and 
that  without  interfering  with  the  right  of  the  government  of  Canada 
to  impose  such  tolls  on  the  aforesaid  Canadian  canals  respectively 
as  it  ma}'  think  (it,  the  tolls  shall  be  levied  in  relation  to  the  number 
of  the  locks  in  each  canal,  without  any  drawback  or  discrimination, 
wiiatever  the  destination  of  the  vessel,  or  whether  one  or  more 
canal  or  canals,  or  part  of  a  canal,  be  passed. 

"  And  it  is  also  agreed  that  for  the  like  term  of  years  the  inhabitants 
of  Canada  shall  enjoy  the  use  of  the  St.  Clair  Flats  Canal  on  terms 
of  equality  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States ;  and  that  the 
navigation  of  Lake  CI\amplain  and  Lake  Michigan  shall  be  free  and 
open  for  the  purpose  of  commerce  to  the  inhal)itants  of  Canada, 
subject  to  any  laws  or  regulations  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the 


10 


States  bordering  thereon  respectively,  not  inconsistent  with  siicli 
privileges  of  free  navigation. 

"And  the  United  States  further  engage  to  urge  upon  the  govern- 
ments of  the  States  of  New  York  and  of  Michigan  to  secure  to  the 
inliabitants  of  Canada  tiie  use  of  the  Eric,  the  AVhitehall,  the  Sault 
Ste.  ]\Iarie  canals,  and  of  any  enlarged  or  extended  or  new  canal  or 
other  improvement  connecting  Lake  Champlain  witli  tlie  lower 
waters  of  the  Hudson  River  which  may  be  made,  as  contemplated 
in  Article  YI.,  on  terms  of  equality  with  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States. 

"And  it  is  mutually  agreed  that  full  power  shall  be  given  and 
allowed  to  transsliip  cargo  from  vessels  into  canal  boats,  and  from 
canal  boats  into  vessels,  at  either  terminus  of  every  canal. 

"And  further,  that  if  tlie  use  of  the  Erie  and  AVhitehall,  or  other 
canal  connecting  Lake  Champlain  with  the  lower  waters  of  the 
Hudson  River  and  of  Sault  Ste.  Marie  canal,  be  not  granted  to 
tlie  inhabitants  of  Canada  on  terms  of  equalit}'  with  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  as  contemplated  in  this  article,  then  the  use  of 
the  proposed  Caughnawaga  canal  by  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  as  above  contemplated,  shall  be  suspended  and  cease  until 
the  use  of  the  said  canals  in  the  United  States  shall  be  secured  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Canada,  as  above  contemplated." 

It  would  Abolish  our  Ship-yards  and  Commercial  Marine. 

The  remarkable  growth  of  our  ship-3'ards  and  increase  of  our 
commercial  marine  was  secured  by  the  First  Congress  and  the 
Administration  of  Washington,  when  they  enactcKl  and  carried  into 
effect  navigation  laws,  which  provided  that  all  exchange  of  commo- 
dities between  United  States  ports  sliould  be  carried  in  vessels 
built  in  the  country  and  owned  exclusively  by  American  citizens 
residing  in  the  country.  Our  domestic  or  coastwise  commerce  is 
more  than  thirty  times  as  great  as  our  foreign  commerce,  and  by 
securing  it  to  American-built  vessels,  owned  and  manned  by  Ame- 
rican citizens,  the  fathers  assured  the  growth  of  our  ship  building 
and  the  maintenance  of  a  training-school  for  sailors  lit  for  the  duties 
of  commerce  or  war.  Rut  the  English  draftsman  of  this  treaty  has 
discovered  tliat  the  wisdom  of  the  fathers  was  folly.  Tliat  it  is  not 
necessar}-  for  a  commercial  republic  with  a  more  extended  coast 
than  demands  protection  at  the  hands  of  any  other  jjcople,  to  have 
eitiier  ship-^'ards  or  a  training-school  for  sailors,  and  that  it  will 
best  consult  its  interests  and  its  honor  by  permitting  the  sultjects 
of  its  manufacturing  and  commercial  rival  to  build  its  vessels  and 
conduct  the  carrying  trade  between   its  ports.     Lest  it  may  be 


11 

doubted  wliether  British  effrontery  could  go  so  fur  as  to  submit 
such  a  proposition  as  this,  let  ine  remind  you  tliat  we  import  most 
of  our  ship-timber  from  Canada,  tliat  wages  in  the  Dominion  are 
but  from  sixtj'-six  to  seventy -live  per  cent,  of  those  we  customaril}- 
pay,  and  invite  your  attention  to  Article  IX.,  which  is  as  follows  :— 

"  For  the  term  of  years  mentioned  in  Article  XIII.  of  this  treaty, 
vessels  of  all  kinds  built  in  the  United  States  may  be  purchased  by 
inhabitants  of  Canada,  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and  registered 
in  Canada  as  Canadian  vessels,  and,  reciprocally,  vessels  of  all 
kinds  built  in  Canada  may  be  purchased  hy  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  and  registered  in  the  United  States  as  United  States  ves- 
sels." 

It  may  not  be  improper  to  remark  to  the  ladies  who  honor  me 
witli  their  presence,  and  who  are  not  familiar  with  the  technical 
language  of  commerce,  that  a  vessel  registered  as  a  United  States 
vessel  may  sail  under  our  flag  and  engage  in  our  domestic  or  coast- 
wise carrying  trade;  and  that  as  timber  is  so  much  cheaper  and 
wages  so  niucli  lower  in  Canada  than  in  the  United  States,  we 
Avould  under  this  stipulation  soon  count  shii)-building  as  a  lost  art. 
Whether  at  the  end  of  twenty-four  years,  for  which  the  treat}'  is  to 
bind  us,  Congress  could  revive  it  by  annuling  the  treaty  and  reviv- 
ing the  wise  navigation  laws  of  the  fathers,  no  thoughtful  man  v  ill 
attempt  to  sa3^ 

It  Proposes  to  Remit  Jurisdiction  over  Part  of  our  Territory,  Liglit- 
houses,  and  Fisheries  to  Joint  Commissions. 

Not  content  with  extending  the  British  frontier  to  the  wharves 
of  Xew  York  and  extirpating  our  ship-yards,  the  authors  of  this  pro- 
ject propose  that  we  shall  yield  jurisdiction  over  our  soil — so  far  as 
the  matter  of  lighthouses  on  tlie  great  lakes,  and  the  promotion  of 
the  propagation  of  fish  in  inland  water,  which  are  to  be  made  com- 
mon to  both  people — to  joint  commissions;  and,  after  having  thus 
illustrated  the  excessive  modesty  of  British  diplomacy,  the  treaty 
graciously  provides,  that,  after  the  expiration  of  twenty-one  3-ears 
from  the  1st  day  of  July,  IS75,  either  of  the  high  contracting  par- 
ties may  give  notice  of  its  wish  tliat,  at  the  end  of  three  years  from 
the  giving  of  such  notice,  the  treaty  shall  terminate.  As  it  would 
require  Congress  to  instruct  the  President  to  give  such  notice,  more 
tiian  a  quarter  of  a  century  must  elapse  before  we  will  be  able  to 
escape  peaceably  from  the  crippling,  dwarfing,  and  enfeebling  pro- 
visions of  tills  treaty  about  which  the  people  were  not  to  be  con- 
sulted. What  minister  or  senator  has  the  prescience  to  determine 
the  fiscal  policy  this  country  will  require  ten  or  twenty  years  hence, 


12 

or  at  the  end  of  a  quarter  ccntnr3'!  Has  the  executive  power  the 
right  to  deprive  Congress  of  its  constitutional  control  of  the  revenue 
system  of  the  country  for  a  quarter  of  a  centurj'  ?  And  will  the 
American  people  consent  to  be  impoverished  for  so  long  a  period 
by  such  an  assumption  of  power  by  any  executive?  These  are 
questions  worthy  of  grave  consideration.  Whose  imagination  can 
adequately  portray  the  condition  of  our  country  a  quarter  century 
hence?  My  poor  powers  shrink  from  the  task.  One  thing,  how- 
ever, is  certain — if  we  avoid  such  "  entangling  alliances"  as  this 
and  grow  at  our  normal  rate,  the  American  people  will,  a  quarter 
of  a  century  hence,  number  nearly  if  not  quite  one  hundred  millions. 
What  will  bo  their  condition  as  to  wealth,  refinement,  and  power 
I  will  not  attempt  to  suggest,  but  a  brief  retrospect  ma}'  help  you 
to  conceive  it.  Permit  me,  tiiorefore,  to  repeat  a  few  remarks  I 
made  from  this  desk  on  the  12th  of  June,  1871. 

The  Results  of  a  Quarter  of  a  Century. 

A  quarter  of  a  century  ago  there  was  no  San  Francisco.  Not  a 
cabin  or  a  hut  stood  witliin  the  now  corporate  limits  of  that  beau- 
tiful and  prosperous  cit}'.  California,  Nevada,  Arizona,  and  New 
Mexico  were  still  Mexican  territory'.  Neither  science  nor  observa- 
tion had  detected  the  deposits  of  gold  and  silver,  or  the  agricul- 
tural capabilities  of  that  vast  region  of  country.  The  great  rail- 
road centre  of  the  West,  Chicago,  had  not  yet  come  into  public 
view.  The  less  than  10,000  people  who  had  gathered  at  the  conllu- 
ence  of  the  Chicago  river  with  Lake  Michigan,  had  no  presentiment 
that  the  swamp  in  which  they  dwelt  would,  in  less  than  tAvonty 
years,  be  filled  up  and  raised  nearly  twenty  feet,  to  provide  drainage 
for  the  streets  of  the  most  enterprising  and  remarkable  city  of  its 
age  in  the  world.  Micliigan  then  had  a  population  of  less  than 
250,000,  and  Missouri  and  Iowa  each  but  100,000;  and  civilization 
had  not  yet  penetrated  tlie  wild  region  known  as  Minnesota  Terri- 
tory, where  the  census  takers,  four  years  later,  found  but  G038 
people.  Four  years  later  there  were  but  91,035  people  in  California, 
which  had  then  been  ceded  to  us  by  Mexico,  and  admitted  to  the 
Union  as  a  State,  and  whose  recently  discovered  deposits  of  gold 
had  attracted  immigrants  from  every  clime.  There  was  no  govern- 
ment in  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  that  whole  fertile  region  being  in 
possession  of  the  Indian  and  buffalo.  The  name  of  that  busy  cen- 
tre of  river  and  railroad  commerce,  Omaha,  had  not  been  heard  by 
English-speaking  people,  and  the  vast  mineral,  grazing,  and  agri- 
cultural region  through  wliich  the  Union  and  Central  Pacific  Rail- 
road is  now  doing  a  profitable  and  rapidly  increasing  business,  was 


13 


noted  by  geographers  as  the  "  Great  American  Desert."  Philadel- 
phia had  no  railroad  connection  with  Pittsburg,  I'ittsburg  none 
with  Cincinnati  or  Chicago,  nor  any  of  these  with  St.  Louis.  The 
nortliwestern  part  of  our  State  was  known  as  the  "Wild  Cat 
Country,"  in  which  it  was  regarded  as  a  misfortune  to  own  land 
unless  it  was  timbered  and  on  the  banks  of  a  mountain  stream  ; 
and  properties  in  that  wide  section  in  which  coal  and  petroleum 
have  since  been  discovered,  were  sold  every  few  years  for  taxes, 
because  people  could  not  afford  to  own  land  in  such  a  cold,  moun- 
tainous, unproductive,  and  inaccessible  country. 

Surely  the  world  moves,  and  time  does  work  wonders.  "What 
railroads  we  have  you  know ;  wliat  railroads  we  are  to  have  you 
only  begin  to  suspect.  In  Europe  during  this  quarter  of  a  century 
dynasties  and  the  boundaries  of  empires  have  changed,  but  the  in- 
crease of  population  has  been  scarcely  perceptible.  The  oppres- 
sions of  the  feudal  past  linger  there  and  cannot  be  shaken  off.  But 
hei'e,  where  man  is  free,  and  nature  offers  boundless  returns  to  en- 
terprise, broad  empires  have  risen,  embracing  towns,  cities,  and 
States ;  and  millions  of  people,  born  in  many  lands,  with  povertj' 
and  oppression  as  their  only  birthright,  are  now,  as  American  citi- 
zens, enjoying  all  the  comforts  and  refinements  of  civilization,  and 
with  capital  rivalling  that  of  European  princes,  originating  and 
preti^ing  forward  great  enterprises  which  are  in  the  next  quarter  of 
a  century  to  work  more  marvellous  changes  than  any  I  have  alluded 
to.  Yes,  ladies  and  gentlemtMi,  were  supernal  power  to  unfold  to 
our  view  our  country  as  it  shall  l)e  a  quarter  of  a  century  hence, 
the  most  far-seeing  and  sanguine  of  us  would  regard  the  reality  as 
a  magniiicent  delusion.  Our  extension  of  territory  and  law,  great 
as  it  has  been,  is  of  small  consequence  in  comparison  with  the 
achievements  of  mind  in  the  empire  of  science  and  art,  whereby 
man  is  enabled  to  produce  tenfold,  and  in  many  departments  of 
productive  industry  a  hundred-fold  as  much  as  he  could  twenty-five 
years  ago  by  the  same  amount  of  labor.  New  roads  are  to  be  built, 
new  towns,  cities,  and  States  to  be  created,  new  resources  to  be  de- 
veloped ;  and  the  sluggish  people  of  the  Orient  are  to  be  awakened 
to  their  own  interest,  and  induced  to  contribute  their  vast  share  to 
the  progress  and  commerce  of  the  world.  The  vision  that  filled 
the  soul  of  Columbus  was  a  grand  one,  but  that  which  opens  to  our 
view,  and  should  possess  and  animate  us,  is  as  much  grander  and 
more  beneficent  as  the  civilization  and  arts  of  the  close  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  are  superior  to  those  of  the  dawning  days  of  the 
fourteenth  century. 


14 


The  Canadians  are  Opposed  to  the  Treaty. 

The  people  of  Canadii  do  not  desire  this  trejity.  Indeed,  they 
justly  dread  it  more  than  we  liave  reason  to.  They  see  that  it  is 
I'eplete  with  causes  of  niisundorstandiufr  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  and  that  more  than  one  of  these  are  grave  enough 
to  be  a  possible  cause  of  war.  In  such  an  event  Canada  would  be 
the  battle-field;  for  with  the  TJritisli  frontier  brought  to  the  lieart 
of  our  country  it  would  be  impossible  to  defend  it  except  by  over- 
running Canada,  blockading  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  maintaining  an 
adequate  line  rrt"  defence  at  a  point  east  of  Quebec.  I  have  ol)served 
several  allusions  to  this  possibilit3'  in  Canadian  discussions  of  tlie 
question.  But  on  otiier  i)oint8  they  speak  more  freely.  Tlie  Hamil- 
ton S2yoclator,  in  a  thouglitful  article  concerning  the  treaty,  said: — 

"Not  only  does  this  treaty  propose  iVec  trade  between  us  and  the 
United  States,  but  it  involves  free  trade  between  us  and  (Jreat 
Britain.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  British  government  has 
consented  to  the  treaty  without  stipulating  for  the  same  privileges 
for  their  own  people  as  are  to  be  accorded  to  those  of  the  United 
States.  It  has  long  been  the  settled  policy  of  the  empire  that  no 
other  nation  shall  ol)tain  a  favored  position  in  the  markets  of  the 
colonies.  And  it  is  not  at  all  jirobable  that  Mr.  Disraeli  would  con- 
sent to  a  different  policy  without  the  consent  of  Parliament.  Even 
if  he  did,  the  public  sentiment  of  England  would  condemn  the  act 
and  demand  its  reversal.  Beyond  a  doubt  the  acceptance  of  this 
treaty  means  free  trade  with  both  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain.  Is  there  a  sane  man  in  Canada  who  believes  our  infant 
manufacturing  industry  can  withstand  the  shock  of  that  comI)ined 
assault?  But  this  free  trade  is  not  only  fraught  with  ruin  to  our 
manufacturing  industry,  but  it  also  dries  up  the  main  source  of  our 
present  revenue.  Now  the  national  works  which  the  faith  of  the 
country  is  pledged  to  cavvy  out,  require  that  our  revenues  should 
be  increased,  not  diminished.  From  what  source,  then,  is  that  in- 
crease and  the  deficienc}'  caused  by  the  treat}-^  to  be  made  good? 
Every  one  will  see  that  direct  taxation  is  our  only  resort  under 
such  circumstances." 

In  another  article,  approving  the  protest  of  the  Dominion  Board 
of  Trade  .ngainst  the  treaty,  the  same  paper  says:  "It  is  folly  any 
longer  to  disguise  the  fact  that  unless  we  are  saAX'd  I)y  the  United 
States  Sennte  we  are  on  the  eve  of  a  crisis  which  ought  to  make 
thoughtful  men  pause  and  consider.  If  this  'leap  in  the  dark'  is 
once  taken,  it  cannot,  unfortunately,  be  recalled,  even  if  the  authors 
of  it  become  convinced  of  their  mistake.     For  nearlj'  a  quarter  of  a 


u 

tl 


15 


"cl 


centuiy  tlic  treaty  moulds  our  fiscal  policy'  if  It  is  accei)te(l.  Xo 
matter  what  changes  may  take  place  in  our  comlitioii  during  that 
time,  no  matter  what  oxperieuco  we  may  gain  in  that  time,  we  leave 
ourselves  powerless  to  take  advantage  of  cither.  Our  people  may 
grow  restive  under  the  burden  of  direct  taxation  which  the  treaty 
will  ccrtainl}^  impose,  but  they  will  be  bound  hand  and  foot  to  it, 
without  the  possibility  of  escape.  The  United  States  can  afford 
the  risk  of  this  experiment,  because  even  if  it  should  prove  injurious 
to  them  it  will  be  but  a  drop  in  the  bucket,  but  to  us  the  question 
is  a  vital  one;  if  avc  make  a  mistake  in  this  matter  it  is  a  vital  one." 

On  the  23d  of  September  a  large  and  intelligent  meeting  assem- 
bled in  St.  Lawrence  TTall,  Toronto,  on  the  call  of  his  Worshij)  the 
Mayor,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  treaty.  The  time  of  hold- 
ing the  meeting  was  selected  with  reference  to  the  simultaneous 
assembling  at  Toronto  of  an  important  political  convention,  ami  the 
holding  of  a  provincial  exhil)ition  of  the  mineral,  mechanical,  and 
agricultural  productions  of  the  Dominion.  Quite  a  number  of  gen- 
tlemen addressed  the  meeting,  and  I  will  detain  you  on  this  point 
long  enough  to  quote  briefly'  from  some  of  their  addresses: — 

Mr.  IIcAvitt  said  that, ','in  looking  back  to  the  history  of  their 
country  the}'  would  find  out  that  it  had  not  long  emerged  from  a 
wilderness.  The  thing  the}-  now  ought  to  do  was  to  try  to  develop 
the  mineral  resources  of  the  country,  and  also  to  develop  manufac- 
tures. It  would  not  be  well  for  Canada  to  remain  simpl}'  an  agri- 
cultui'al  community.  It  has  never  been  asserted  by  those  who  de- 
sired to  see  the  trcit}'  passed  that  it  would  benefit  the  iron,  leather, 
or  i)nper  trade,  but  it  had  been  said  that  the  agricultural  classes 
would  l)e  benefited."  lie  also  observed  that  "  it  was  well  for  a 
country  to  develop  its  own  resources,  and  also  to  consume  its  own 
productions.  The  treaty,  if  passed,  would  entail  many  difficulties 
on  this  conntr}';  for  if  it  were  found  to  be  impossible  for  Canada 
to  fulfil  the  obligations  contained  in  the  treat}'  regarding  the  deep- 
ening and  building  of  the  canal,  it  would  probably  bring  about  a 
quarrel  with  the  United  States." 

Mr.  Re3'nold.s  said  that  "  the  treaty  would  probably  bring  al)out 
direct  taxation,  and  that  the  farmers  would  not  desire  to  promote 
such  a  state  of  things." 

Mr.  E.  O.  Bickford  said  "  George  Brown  was  the  cause  of  this 
treaty,  he  having  originated  it,  and  he  only  did  so  for  the  sake  of 
self-aggrandizement.  It  had  been  argued  that  England  did  well 
under  a  policy  of  free  trade,  but  he  should  like  to  point  out  that 
the  trade  of  England  had  been  built  up  under  a  protective  policy, 
and  England  only  desired  free  trade  when  her  manufactures  had 


16 

been  tlioroufjjlily  built  up.  If  Cuiiivchi  passed  the  reciprocity  treaty, 
the  mamifiicLnring  interests  of  the  country  would  altocrether  be  done 
away  with.  Under  tlu;  present  circumstances  cniijirants  could  al- 
wiiys  got  work,  but  if  the  treaty  were  adopted  tiiere  would  be  no 
work  for  a  large  number  of  persons  who  arrive  in  this  country  from 
the  lands  of  Europe." 

Dr.  Holies,  who  was  one  of  the  first  speakers,  reminded  the  meet- 
ing that  it  was  not  political,  but  one  which  had  come  together  to 
consider  a  matter  affecting  the  social  welfare  of  the  country  for  the 
next  twenty  years,  and  added  that  it  was  the  general  opinion  in 
Canada  that  the  treaty  had  not  been  negotiated  in  a  constitutional 
manner,  as  the  government  ought  to  have  originated  the  matter, 
and  not  Mr.  George  JJrown.  Mr.  Brown  had  for  many  years  ob- 
jected to  endeavoring  to  get  the  United  States  to  grant  a  treaty, 
but  now  he  was  suing  hard  for  one.  Other  gentlemen  spoke  in  the 
same  vein,  making  it  perfectly'  clear  that  none  of  them  regarded  the 
movement  as  one  originating  with  the  Canadian  people,  or  one  that 
was  desired  by  them.  But  most  authoritative  of  these  expressions 
was  that  of  the  Dominion  Board  of  Trade,  which,  after  elaborate 
discussion  of  the  subject,  expressed  its  disapproval  of  the  proposed 
treaty  by  the  emphatic  vote  of  twenty-seven  to  six. 

The  Canadian  papers  speak  of  the  board  as  a  representative  bod}', 
coming  from  everj'  section  of  the  Dominion,  and  say  that  it  was 
governed  not  by  i)olitical,  but  by  purely  commercial  considerations, 
and  also  speak  of  the  treaty  as  the  result  "  of  the  ambitious  views 
of  Mr.  Brown." 

I  might  adduce  much  additional  evidence  of  the  hostility  of  the 
peoi)le  of  the  Dominion  to  the  proposed  treaty,  but  will  not  con- 
sume more  time  in  that  direction,  but  will  invite  your  attention  to 
otlicial  proof  that  the  treaty  is  a  job,  put  up  b}'  the  British  and 
Canadian  ministers,  of  which  the  people  of  the  North  American 
Colonies  are,  in  common  with  the  people  of  the  United  States,  to 
be  the  victims. 


What  a  British  Blue  Book  shows— a  Sudden  Conversion. 

In  turning  from  boards  of  trade,  town  meetings,  and  leading  edi- 
tors, let  us  take  a  glance  at  a  chapter  from  the  British  Blue  Book. 
It  is  here  entitled  "North  America,  Nov.  4,  1874,  correspondence 
relating  to  the  negotiations  for  a  Reciprocity  Treaty  between  Canada 
and  the  United  States,  presented  to  both  Houses  of  Parliament  by 
command  of  her  Majesty,  1874."  I  pray  you  keep  in  mind  the  fact, 
asserted  by  Dr.  Rolles  and  referred  to  by  others,  that  Mr.  George 
Brown  had  been  the  persistent  adversary  of  reciprocity.     You  will 


17 


then  wonder  at  the  part  assigiiod  him,  and  ask  yourselves  what  con- 
verted him  and  made  him — as  we  shall  learn  lie  was  found  by  her 
Majesty's  government  to  be — the  fittest  man  in  the  entire  Dominion 
to  be  sent  to  Washington  to  aid  Sir  Edward  Thornton  in  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  terms  and  the  promotion  of  tlic  ratilieation  of  the  pro- 
posed treaty.  Doubtless  you  will  think  it  was  grave  reflection, 
elaborate  study  of  the  interests  of  the  country,  consultation  with 
her  people,  especially  her  thinkers,  and  those  interested  in  tlie  de- 
velopment of  her  resources  and  the  diversiOcation  of  lier  industries. 
The  correspondence  in  the  Blue  Book  does  not  connrm  this  theory. 
No!  no  paper  in  it  furnishes  any  hint  of  this  kind  ;  but, on  the  con- 
trary, they  show  that  on  or  about  the  23d  of  February,  1874,  he 
and  his  colleague,  Mr.  Mackenzie,  suddenly  discovered  that  the  tlien 
present  was  a  most  favorable  opportunity  for  the  renewal  of  nego- 
tiations for  a  reciprocity  treaty  between  Canada  and  the  United 
States  of  America,  by  which  the  claim  for  compensation  as  regards 
the  fisheries,  might  be  settled  without  the  reference  provided  for  by 
Article  XXII.  of  the  Treaty  of  Washington.  How  do  Ave  arrive  at 
this  information  ?  Why,  No.  1  of  this  correspondence  is  an  extract 
from  a  letter  of  the  Earl  of  Dufferin  to  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon  with 
one  enclosure.  It  is  dated  February  24,  1874,  and  reads  as  fol- 
lows : — 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  send  herewith  an  approved  copy  of  the 
order  in  Council  of  the  23d  of  February,  of  which  I  have  already 
communicated  by  telegram  a  slightly  abbreviated  transcript.  My 
present  advisers  are  very  anxious  to  take  advantage  of  the  oppor- 
tunity which  seems  about  to  present  itself  to  re-establish  a  recipro- 
citj'^  f-reaty  between  Canada  and  the  United  States  of  America.  I 
imagi  le  that  the  course  the}'  contemplate  will  be  generally  approved 
throughout  the  country,  and  they  assure  me  that  it  will  meet  with 
the  approbation  of  Parliament." 

The  enclosure  is  dated  on  the  23d  of  February,  and  is  a  report 
of  the  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council,  setting  forth  that  the  Com- 
mittee of  Councils  had  under  consideration  a  memorandum,  dated 
on  that  day,  the  23d  of  February,  1874,  from  the  Hon.  Mr.  Mac- 
kenzie, in  which  he  states  tliat  lie  considers  the  present  a  most 
favorable  opportunity,  etc.,  so  that  it  appears  that  the  subject  was 
brought  to  the  attention  of  Councils  on  the  23d  of  February,  and, 
being  a  matter  which  required  no  consideration,  was  acted  upon 
forthwith,  and  a  minute  thereof,  slightly  abbreviated,  transmitted 
by  telegraph  to  the  proper  department  of  the  Imperial  government 
on  the  same  day,  and  a  full  copy  thereof  forwarded  by  mail  on  the 
next  day.    But  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon,  as  it  appears,  did  not  wait 


18 


the  coming  of  tlie  full  copy  before  replying.  Tlic  husinosH  was 
not  of  siR'h  iinportiince  tis  to  riHpiire  (U'lii)(!r:ition,  and  on  the  Oth 
of  Marcii  liis  lordship  replieil  from  Downing  Street  to  Lord  Duf- 
ferin's  telegram  of  the  24th  of  Fehruary,  approving  the  i)roposal 
and  informing  the  Canadian  ministers  that  they  might  ''  rest 
assured  that  her  Majest3''s  government  are  desirious  to  meet,  as 
far  as  it  may  be  practicable  to  do  so,  the  reasonable  wishes  upon 
this  subject  of  the  Canadian  ministers,  and  that  they  will  be  pre- 
pared to  give  carel'ul  consideration  to  any  further  proposals  which 
ma}'  be  made  by  tliem  during  tiie  course  of  the  negotiations;''  and 
in  passing  his  lordshij)  added  that, "  with  view  to  saving  delay,  you 
are  at  liberty  to  communicate  unreservedly,  though  confidentially, 
with  Sir  Edward  Thornton  the  views  of  your  government,  taking 
care,  however,  to  transmit  to  me,  at  tlie  earliest  opportunity,  copies 
of  such  correspondence." 

Here  it  becomes  apparent  that  part  of  the  correspondence  has  pos- 
sibly, from  prudential  reasons,  been  withheld  even  from  Parliament. 
For  the  next  communication  is  i'rom  the  Earl  of  Dulferin  to  the  Earl 
of  Carnarvon.  It  is  dated  Government  House,  Ottawa,  March  17, 
1874,  in  Avliich  the  (Jovernor-General  of  Canada  says:  "  1  have  the 
honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a  telegram  dated  March  14, 
from  your  lordship,  in  which  you  are  pleased  to  signify  your  assent 
to  the  request  of  my  government  that  a  Canadian  gentleman  should 
be  associated  with  Sir  Edward  Thornton  in  the  event  of  her  Majesty's 
government  authorizing  the  IJritish  minister  at  Washington  to  enter 
upon  a  negotiation  with  the  United  States  for  the  whole  or  a  part 
of  the  renewal  of  the  reciprocity  treaty."  His  lordshii)  then  con- 
veys to  the  Earl  of  Carnarvon  the  sense  of  Mr.  Mackenzie  and 
bis  colleagues  in  tlie  administration  of  the  consideration  wiiicii  has 
been  sliown  to  their  representations  by  her  Majesty's  government 
in  this  matter;  and  informs  his  lordship  that  *' it  is  ])erfectly 
understood  by  tiie  Dominion  government  that  her  Majesty's  govern- 
ment, in  consenting  to  authorize  the  sul)stitution  of  a  recijjrocity 
treaty  in  lieu  of  the  money  payment  secured  to  Canada  by  her 
fishery  claims  in  the  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Washington,  have  done 
so  at  the  instance  and  solicitations  of  the  Canadian  government ;" 
and  further  adds  that  "  it  is  also  understood  that  the  Canadian 
commissioner  will  act  under  Imperial  instructions,  and  that  all 
propositions  to  be  made  to  the  United  States  government  wil!  be 
previously  submitted  to  the  secretary  of  State." 

Just  here,  questions  obtrude  themselves  upon  us.  Can  you  help 
asking  why  the  communication  of  the  Governor-General  of  Canada, 
conveying  to  the  Imperial  government  the  request  of  the  Dominion 


19 


CS8  was 

the  r>t,li 
;)nl  Diif- 
proposul 
,t   "  rest 

meet,  as 
les  upon 
[1  hv  pre- 
ils  which 
lis;''  ami 
eliiy,  you 
ileiit'uilly, 
it,  taking 
jy,  copies 

e  has  pos- 
irlianiont. 
)  tl»e  Kail 
March  H, 
[  liave  the 
March  14, 
jnv  assent 
an  should 
Majesty's 
)n  to  cuter 
or  a  part 
then  eon- 
eu/ic  and 
wliich  has 
Dverniuent 
l)crfectly 
•"s  govern- 
•ecii)rocity 
ila  by  her 
lave  done 
cruuient ;" 
Canadian 
d  that   all 
nt  will  be 


1)  you  help 
r  Canada, 
Dominion 


D 


governmont  that  a  Canadian  gentleman  might  be  associated  with 
Sir  Kdward  Thornton  in  tliis  negotiation,  is  not  given  in  tiiis  IJliic 
IJook  ?  Tlie  request  had  lieiMi  made  lielore  the  Ilth  of  March,  for 
on  that  day  it  was  granted  by  telegram.  (Jould  the  rcipu'st  possibly 
have  iteen  enforced  by  the  suggestion  that  sucli  a  Canadian  gentle- 
man might  resort  to  practices  and  avail  himself  of  agencies  which 
diplomatic  propriety  would  i)revent  Sir  Edward  Tliorntou,  her 
Majesty's  minister  plenipotentiary,  from  resorting  to?  Ah  we 
proceed,  circumstances  may  shed  sonu'  ligiit  on  the  point.  Again, 
if  these  negotiations  had  l>een  instituted,  as  is  pretended,  at  tiie 
special  instance  and  request  of  tiie  Canadian  government,  why  did 
the  Earls  of  Dutferin  and  Carnarvon  feel  it  nceossar}'  to  spread  tlie 
fact  so  broadly  ni)on  the  face  of  that  part  of  the  correspoudence 
that  was  to  be  published '/  "  My  lady  doth  protest  too  mueli,"  says 
Harnlii  ;  and  if  the  Canadian  people  had  impelled  their  government 
to  ask  for  a  reciprocity  treaty,  some  of  them  would  have  kiujwn  the 
fact  before  reading  this  di[»h)matic  assurance  that  it  had  occurred. 
Yet  their  knowledge  of  the  fact  depentls  upon  this  assurance,  and 
upon  it  alone ! 

Wii}',  if  Mr.  George  Hrown's  conversion  ha<l  been  as  sudden  as 
that  of  Saul,  and  he  had  been  inspired  with  tlie  i)Ower  to  move  the 
Privy  Council  and  the  Governor-General  with  such  fiery  zeal  that 
his  new  idea  must  be  telegraphed  to  England  on  the  day  of  his  in- 
spiration, was  not  Lord  Dulferin  content  to  let  the  world  accept  the 
fact  without  putting  it  so  prominently  before  the  public?  and  if  the 
movement  was  of  Canadian  origin,  and  was  made  for  the  benefit  of 
the  peoi)le  of  Canada,  and  was  graciously  consented  to  by  the 
British  government,  wh}'  does  Dulferin  take  such  pains  to  assure 
Carnarvon  that  it  is  understood  that  the  Canadian  commissioner 
will  act  not  upon  his  own  judgment  or  for  the  interests  of  the 
people  of  Canada,  or  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  Canadian 
Ministry,  but  ^^luill  act  under  Imperial  iusfruciions,  and  thai  all 
pro}xmtions  to  he  made  to  the  United  States  government  will  he  pre- 
vioiishj  suhinitted  to  the  Secretary  of  State  V 

But  if  it  be  true  that  these  negotiations  were  initiated  and  have 
been  conducted  at  the  express  instance  and  solicitation  of  the 
Canadian  government,  Mr.  Brown  not  only  cut  immense  i)ackages 
of  red  tape  but  imparted  his  own  hot  haste  and  fiery  zeal  in  tlie 
cause  to  her  Majesty's  ministers.  This  subject,  of  sucii  vast  im- 
portance, was,  as  I  have  shown,  first  suggested  to  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil on  the  23d  of  February;  and  the  Earl  of  Derl)y,  by  a  letter  from 
the  Foreign  Office,  dated  February  27,  transmitted  to  Sir  Edward 
Tliorntou    a   copy    of  the   telegraphic   despatch    received    by    her 


20 


Mnjesty's  Secretary  of  State  for  the  colonial  department,  from  the 
Oovernor-CJeneral  of  Canada;  from  which  it  appears,  "  tliat  the 
Council  of  the  Dominion  arc  of  the  opinion  that  the  present  is  a 
most  f!iV()ral)l{!  opportunity  for  a  renewal  of  ne<^otiationH  for  a 
reciprocity  treaty  iietween  (Jreat  HritMiu  and  the  Tnited  States, " 
etc. ;  and  "  inlbrminfj;  Sir  Kdwanl  that  lier  Majesty's  government 
are  ready  to  make  the  proposals  which  the  Council  desire,  and  they 
now  authorize  you  to  propose  to  the  United  States  government  to 
enter  into  a  treaty  to  renew  the  third  article  of  the  rcci|»roeity 
trcjiity  of  1854;  with  a  provision  for  preserving  in  Ibrce  articles 
twent3'-second  to  twenty-riftli  of  tiie  treaty  of  Washington,  in  case 
the  arrangement  now  proposed  should  fail  to  be  carried  out  within 
a  limited  time,  to  be  llxed  for  that  purpose." 

When  was  diplomacy  ever  so  ra|)id  as  this?  On  the  23d  Mr. 
Brown  and  Mr.  Miickenzie  suggest  to  the  Privy  Council  of  (.'anada 
the  idea  of  making  an  ell'ort  for  a  renewal  of  reciprocity.  The 
Governor-Gieneral  transmits  the  idea  to  London  with  lightning  speed, 
and  by  tiie  iitith,  when  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  colonial  de- 
partment probably  dictated  his  letters,  which  would  bear  date  the 
27th,  he  had  given  the  grave  and  complicated  subject  such  mature 
consideration  that  he  was  able  to  communicate  the  basis  of  just 
such  a  treaty  as  Mr.  George  Brown  and  the  other  members  of  the 
Privy  Council  had  thought  of.  Let  no  one  hereafter  say  that 
British  diplomacy  is  slow  and  craftN'.or  regard  Dickens'  description 
of  the  circumlocution  oflice  as  anything  else  than  a  libellous  carica- 
ture !  Li  view  of  these  facts,  is  there  room  to  doubt  that  Mr. 
George  Brown's  inspiration  came  from  the  British  government? 
AVhere  had  he  observed  facts  indicating  that  that  was  a  most  favor- 
able opportunity  for  a  renewal  of  negotiations  for  a  reciprocity 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  the  Dominion? 

"  He  Las  eyes  full  sharp  I  ween 
Who  sees  what  is  not  to  be  seen." 

Had  not  you  and  I  as  good  opportunities  as  he  for  ascertaining 
whether  the  public  opinion  of  this  country  desired  a  renewal  of 
reciprocity?  What  statesman  had  brought  forward  any  such  pro- 
position? What  connnunit3' had  agitated  the  question?  Was  it 
the  subject  of  discussion  in  the  daily  or  other  journals  of  the 
country  ?  No,  none  of  these  things  had  taken  place,  and  the  un- 
broken current  of  events  showed  that  the  American  people  were 
hostile  to  such  a  project.  Congress  had  availed  itself  of  the 
earliest  opportunity  to  give  notice  of  the  termination  of  the  treaty 
of  1854,  and  its  action  had  been  approved  by  the  entire  country.    In 


21 


tho 

the 
is  a 
or  a 

,tos," 
incut 
they 
nt  to 
•oc'ity 
•tides 
II  ciise 
kvithiu 

Id  Mr. 

'unada 
.     The 

speed, 
linl  de- 
ate  tho 
mature 

of  just 
i  of  the 
ly  that 
L-ription 
i  carica- 

lat  Mr. 

nineut? 

it  favor- 

iprocity 


u'tainhig 
newal  of 
uch  pro- 
Was  it 
s  of  the 
d  the  un- 
jple  were 
If  of  the 
the  treaty 
utry.    In 


tlio  parly  part  of  the  session  of  Coiigress  of  ISOrj-fi,  the  CoiDinittce 
of  Ways  and  Means  n-porti'd  a  l)ill  to  the  lloiiso  of  Ilcprescnta- 
tivos,  which,  hy  a  rt'diuition  of  tiu;  dnlios  on  ('.'inndian  productions, 
would  practically  revive  some  of  the  provisions  of  tliu  expiring 
treaty;  hnt  it  was  so  roughly  handled  by  the  House,  and  found  so 
little  support,  that  tho  chairnuin  withdrew  the  hill  on  tho  Vth  of 
March,  and  it  never  was  heard  of  iigain. 

The  representatives  of  the  people  woidd  not  tohu'atci  even  this 
modified  form  of  reciprocity,  though  as  a  law  it  would  he  under 
their  control,  and,  uidike  the  provisions  of  u  treaty,  liable  to  re- 
vision as  the  mutations  of  business  might  re([uire. 

l»ut,  as  if  to  emphasize  the  luitional  hostility  to  the  measure, 
Congress,  by  a  joint  resolution,  which  was  approved  .Tune  23,  1S70, 
required  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  appoint  a  special  agent 
to  iuciuire  into  the  extent  and  state  of  the  trade  between  the  United 
States  and  tho  several  dependencies  of  Groat  Britain  in  North 
America.  The  Secretary  confuled  that  duty  to  Mr.  J.  N.  Larned, 
a  gentleman  eminently  (pialilled  for  its  faithfid  and  intelligent  dis- 
charge. Ills  report,  to  which  1  shall  have  occasion  to  refer,  was 
made  .January'  28,  1871,  and  transmitted  to  Co.-.gress  on  the  iJd  of 
February,  1871,  and  from  that  day  till  the  coming  among  us  of  Mr. 
George  IJrown,  so  far  as  you  and  1  have  been  able  to  learn,  no  ex- 
pression of  opinion  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of  reciprocity 
between  the  Hritish  dominions  of  North  Anicrica  trad  the  United 
States  had  been  heard  in  this  country.  That  opinion  had  yet  to  be 
created,  and  Mr,  Brown  exhibited  no  small  measure  of  sc'f-reliauce 
when  he  concluded  that  he  could,  if  tho  British  government  would 
furnish  him  with  tho  proper  appliances,  come  to  this  country  and 
create  it. 

Mr.  George  Brown's  Diplo;uatic  Methods. 

Mr.  Brown  does  not  lack  confidence.  It  was  not  until  the  21st 
of  March  that  the  Earl  of  Derby  informed  him  that  her  Majesty 
had  been  graciously  pleased  to  appoint  him  to  be  joint  plenipoten- 
tiary with  her  Majesty's  minister  at  Washington,  for  the  purpose  of 
negotiating  and  concluding  a  treaty  with  the  United  States,  But 
anticipating  his  appointment  Mr.  George  Brown  had  done  us  the 
honor  to  come  among  us  early  in  February-,  and  to  begin  to  manu- 
facture the  opinion  which  was  to  justify  his  assertion  that  the  times 
presented  a  most  favorable  opportunity  for  the  renewal  of  reci- 
procity.    His  palpable  progress  was  not  rapid. 

Indeed,  during  that  visit  he  seems  to  have  done  little  else  than 


confer  with  Sir  Edward  Thornton,  and,  as  a  private  citizen  boarding 
at  a  hotel,  ascertain  tlie  material  out  of  whi(!h  he  could,  when 
he  should  he  commissioned  to  treat  with  our  government,  organize 
a  corps  of  claquers  and  lobl)3'ists  to  influence  the  opinion  of 
American  senators.  The  time  had  not  3'et  come  for  active  opera- 
tions ;  but  it  would  be  no  disadvantage  to  him  to  be  on  familiar 
terms  with  tlie  representatives  and  managers  of  such  journals  as 
might  be  induced  to  support  his  project,  and  he  made  the  intimate 
acquaintance  of  some  such  gentlemen.  Having  accomplished  thus 
much  he  returned  to  Canada  to  set  his  machinery  in  motion  and 
induce  the  Privy  Council  to  act,  and  did  not  return  till  he  had  been 
commissioned  to  co-operate  with  her  Majesty's  minister.  But  when 
he  did  return  he  was  not  demonstrative.  To  have  opened  the 
subject  in  March  or  April  might  have  brought  it  to  the  atten- 
tion of  our  people  and  aroused  opposition.  Mr.  Brown  was  quite 
too  politic  for  this:  and  it  was  not  till  about  the  10th  of  Ma}'  that 
the  articles  he  had  prepared  began  to  api)ear  in  free-trade  journals 
in  various  parts  of  the  country.  Though  he  has  but  little  versa- 
tility of  style,  Mr.  Brown  is  evidently  industrious  and  fond  of  using 
his  pen.  Having  seen  his  articles  in  the  papers  to  which  they  had 
been  sent,  he  republished  them  in  broadsides  such  as  this  [cxhil)iting 
one],  and  with  these  concentrations  of  his  wisdom  and  of  his 
American  patriotism  he  flooded  the  mails  of  unsuspecting  members 
and  senatoi's.  Tlds  sheet  contains  twenty-six  iirticles,  and  I  find 
the  earliest  that  bears  date  was  published  on  the  IGth  of  Maj',  one 
on  the  20th,  one  on  the  2;kl,  one  on  the  25th,  one  on  the  2Gth,  one 
on  the  27tli,  one  on  the  28th,  one  on  the  29th,  one  on  the  30th,  and 
one  on  the  31st;  one  on  June  1,  one  on  June  2,  one  on  June  3,  two 
June  5,  one  on  June  8,  and  tiie  others  are  without  date.  What 
effect  these  able  editorials  and  patriotic  broadsides  may  have  had 
upon  the  State  Dejiartmeiit,  or  the  President,  I  have  no  n)eans  of 
knowing,  but  that  they  failed  to  convince  the  judgment  or  awake 
the  enthusiasm  of  any  portion  of  the  people,  you  will,  I  am  sure, 
bear  witness.  In  justice  to  Mr.  Brown,  I  should  perhaps  suggest 
that  it  must  have  been  his  love  of  editorial  labor  that  tempted  him 
to  so  flagrantly  transcend  the  limits  of  the  ;^rovince  of  an  accredited 
diplomatic  agent  as  tc  thus  attempt  to  influence  popular  and  sena- 
torial opinion  and  action  on  questions  pending  before  the  govern- 
ment to  which  he  is  accredited.  If  I  err  in  ascribing  to  him  these 
articles,  which  are  as  like  to  eac  h  other  in  style  and  matter  as  eggs 
or  peas,  I  am  ftir  from  being  alone  in  the  error. 


23 


,  and 
8,  two 

What 
:e  had 
aiis  of 
iiwake 
n  sure, 


What  a  Correspondent  Told. 

Boston  rejoices  in  an  organ  of  British  trade,  and  the  Manchester 
school  of  political  economy.  It  is  known  as  the  Boston  Journal  of 
Commerce.  Of  course,  being  the  organ  of  British  trade  and  opin- 
ion, it  not  only  favored  tlie  scheme  of  reciprocity,  but  its  Wasliing- 
ton  correspondent  seems  to  iiave  been  admitted  pretty  freely  to  the 
councils  of  the  British  plenipotentiaries,  and  when  Mr.  George 
Brown  and  Sir  Fldward  Thornton — or,  speaking  more  diplomatically, 
Sir  Kdward  Thornton  and  Mr.  George  Brown — had  sufllciently 
matured  their  jdans  to  bring  them  fairly  to  the  light  of  day,  their 
friend  and  ally  laid  this  communication  before  the  readers  of  the 
Boston  Journal  of  Commerce  of  Ma}'  30: — 

"  Washinotox,  D.  C,  May  26,  1874. 

"To  New  England  the  question  of  Canadian  reciprocity  and  the 
freedom  of  the  inshore  fisheries  of  the  maritime  provinces  of  the 
Xew  Dominion  must  be  of  paramount  importance.  There  is  no 
doubt  whatever  that  the  British  government  has  made  proposals 
to  us  looking  toward  the  negotiation  of  a  new  i-ecii)rocity  treaty. 

"  To  some  extent  the  matter  has  been  kept  very  quiet.  Karly  in 
the  present  session,  Mr.  Brown,  the  well-known  editor  of  the  To- 
ronto Globe^  appeared  here  in  compain'  with  a  Mr.  A.  G.  Shaw,  the 
United  States  consul  at  that  place.  Thev  did  not  remain  long,  but 
several  weeks  after  Mr.  Brown  returned  alone,  and  after  remaining 
at  a  hotel  for  a  few  days,  took  up  his  residence  at  Sir  Edward 
Thornton's,  the  sagacious  and  suave  diplomat  who  represents  Great 
Britain  at  this  sfovernment.  Mr.  Brown  has  remained  here  since, 
moving  about  quite  quietly,  few  persons  seeming  to  know  that  he 
was  here  as  the  confidential  agent  of  the  Dominion  government  in 
the  matter  of  working  u[)  a  reciprocity  treaty.  This  fact  1  heard 
mentioned  vaguely  some  time  since,  but  it  did  not  fasten  it.self  on 
my  mind  until  seeing  articles,  evidently  insi)ired  by  one  source,  ap- 
pearing in  various  forms  in  the  j)ress  of  ditferent  sections.  I  do  not 
say  the  inspiration  is  that  of  Mr.  Brown,  but  I  am  inclined  to  at- 
tribute some  of  them  to  the  State  Department  itself.  Mr.  Fish  is 
quite  slirewd ;  he  knows  how  to  use  as  well  as  to  abuse  the  press. 
A  well-informed  Washington  journalist  will,  however,  l)e  sure  to 
suppose,  when  he  sees  an  elaborate  Associated  Press  despatch  re- 
lating to  some  question  of  foreign  affairs,  that  the  same  has  been 
inspired  by  the  State  Department.  The  gentleman  who  is  at  the 
head  of  their  office  would  avoid  one  relating  to  diplomac}',  unless 
it  came  to  him  by  authority.     As  a  proof  of  the  movements  in  the 


24 

direction  of  reciprocity  negotiations,  lot  mc  cite  a  very  elaborate 
Associated  Press  despatch  from  Washington,  under  date  of  the  12th 
inst.,  to  an  editorial  in  the  Tribune  of  the  15th,  to  one  in  the  World 
of  tiie  9th  (the  democratic  organ  is  always  the  best  and  earliest  in- 
formed paper  in  New  York  on  diplomatic  affairs) ;  to  an  editorial 
in  the  'Times  of  the  IGth;  of  the  Chicago  Post  and  3Iail  of  the 
13th;  of  the  Tribune  thereof,  same  date,  and  to  articles  in  the 
Evening  Tost,  the  Sprincijield  Republican,  and  other  papers.  Mr. 
Brown,  or  some  one  for  him,  understands  the  way  to  influence  the 
American  public,  and  Sir  Edward  Thornton,  his  host,  appears  to 
have  well  selected  the  means  of  reaching  the  American  Senate.  A 
series  of  very  qniet  petite  dinners  have  been  in  progress  at  the 
British  embassy.  To  these  attractive  affairs  senators  and  other 
public  men  are  invited.  They  have  courses  of  lirown  and  recipro- 
city mingled  with  the  soups,  joints,  and  entrees. 

"A  friend  of  mine — a  leading  member  of  the  house — dined  there 
a  few  evenings  since.  Of  course  the  conversation  turned  on  '  reci- 
procity,' Canada,  its  relations  Avith  the  United  States.  Mr.  Brown 
was  eloquent  and  not  wearisome  on  the  advantages  of  such  a  treat}', 
which  it  is  now  understood  has  been  proposed  by  Sir  Edward,  and 
an  answer  to  which  is  expected  by  the  lOtli  of  June  from  the  State 
Department.  The  minister,  while  Mr.  Brown  was  arguing  that  the 
Dominion  would  and  need  not  gravitate  to  the  United  States,  and 
that  it  would  be  better  for  both  to  be  separate,  though  intimate  and 
friendly,  remarked,  sotio  voce,  to  the  guest  referred  to  :  '  Of  course. 
General,  I  would  not  say  so  to  Mr.  Brown,  for  he  is  Canadian,  and 
all  his  interests  are  there,  but  speaking  for  myself,  I  should  not  care 
at  all  if  the  provinces  were  to  be  annexed  to  the  United  States  to- 
morrow, nor  do  1  believe  the  result  would  greatly  annoy  the  British 
goverinnont.'  Perhaps  this  may  have  been  undiplomatic,  but  it  was 
certahily  significant.  It  is  rumored  here,  and  1  give  it  as  a  straw 
without  testing  its  quality,  that  the  late  visits  to  the  capital  of  the 
editorial  Warwicks  of  the  liberal  movement,  Messrs.  Horace  White, 
'  Sam'  Bowles,  Muvat  Halstead,  and  Mr.  Watterson,  had  something 
to  do  with  pushing  forward  Mr.  George  Brown's  mission." 

Why  I  Propounded  a  Question. 

Before  passing  from  this  curious  epistle,  which,  tested  by  fiicts 
that  have  since  come  to  my  knowledge,  I  am  constrained  to  say 
contains  far  more  truth  than  poetry,  I  must  declare  that  I  cannot 
believe,  and  that  no  one  who  knows  the  present  Secretary  of  State 
will  believe,  that  he  is  capable  of  conspiring  against  the  interests  of 
the  trade  and  commerce  of  his  country,  and  of  forwarding  such  a 


25 


negotiation,  while  carefully  conpealinij  the  fact  from  those  senators 
and  members  of  Congress,  who,  it  miglit  be  fair  to  presume,  would 
not  approve  the  treaty,  but  miglit  raise  their  voice  and  warn  tlie 
country  of  the  impending  danger.  But  it  remains  a  curious  fact 
that,  while  certain  friends  of  free  trade  in  and  out  of  Congress 
appear  to  have  been  fully  apprised  of  the  progress  of  the  scheme, 
others  could  obtain  no  information  on  the  subject.  The  letter  I 
have  just  read  and  other  papers  overcame  my  incredulity  and  ex- 
cited ray  curiosit}',  and  on  the  3d  of  June,  seven  daj's  after  the  date 
of  the  letter,  I  asked  unanimous  consent  to  submit  the  following 
resolution.  It  was  read  and  objected  to  by  Mr.  Cox,  the  ever-ready 
representative  of  the  foreign  trade  of  New  York.  It,  however,  wont 
to  the  Associated  Tress,  and  served  to  warn  the  country,  and  call 
forth  many  protests : — 

^^  Whereas,  By  section  7,  article  1  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  it  is  provided  that  all  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall 
originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  by  section  8  of  said 
article  it  is  further  provided  that  Congress  shall  have  power  to  levj- 
and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  and  to  regulate  com- 
merce with  foreign  nations:  therefore  be  it 

^'■Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  and  he  is 
hereby  requested  to  inform  this  house  whether  the  Executive 
Department  of  the  government  is  at  this  time  engaged  in  consider- 
ing the  terras  of  a  treaty  by  which  commerce  between  the  United 
States  and  the  British  Provinces  of  North  America  is  to  be  regu- 
lated, and  by  which  Congress  will  be  deprived  of  its  constitutional 
right  to  control  these  important  subjects,  thus  specificallj'  confided 
to  it  b}-  the  express  terms  of  the  Constitution." 

What  the  Organs  of  English  Manufacturers  say. 

Let  me  refer  to  another  line  of  proof  that  this  so-called  Canadian 
treaty  is  an  English  job.  It  is  the  jubilant  tone  of  the  home  organs 
of  British  manufacturers  at  the  prospect  of  coming  free  trade  with 
the  United  States.  I  have  seen  many  expressions  of  this  kind,  and 
could  produce  several,  but  shall  detain  you  by  reading  l)Ut  one, 
which  3'ou  may  accept  as  a  sample  of  the  many.  Referring  to  the 
meetings  held  after  the  plot  had  been  discovered,  in  various  parts 
of  Pennsylvania,  by  the  representatives  of  a  number  of  industries, 
to  protest  against  the  ratification  of  this  treaty,  the  Shellield  Tele- 
graph of  xVugust  22  says: — 

"What  wonder  these  gentlemen  indulged  in  heated  speeches  and 
passed  condemnator_y  resolutions  ?  They  know  that,  the  reciprocity 
treaty  once  passed,  the  days  of  monopoly  are  numbered.     Congres. 


26 

sional  and  especiallysenatorial  mills  grind  slowly,  but  with  the  new 
Democnitic  blood  being  rapidly  introduced  into  their  management, 
they  will  inevitably  grind  monopoly  to  an  impalpable  jiowder.  Mean- 
time, in  the  wrath  of  Pennsylvnnian  manufacturers  at  the  probable 
introduction  of  Avhat  they  consider  to  be  the  thin  end  of  the  wedge, 
known  as  the  reciprocity  with  Canada,  the  thick  end  of  which  is  free 
trade,  English  manufacturers  in  general,  and  Sheffield  manufactur- 
ers in  particular,  should  see  that  something  is  transpiring  w'orthy 
of  their  earnest  attention.  Since  Pittsburg  is  so  enraged  at  the  dis- 
tant prospect,  when  import  duties  are  abolished,  of  being  brought 
into  a  neck  and  neck  race  with  Sheffield — Sheffield  only  handicapped 
with  the  cost  of  freight,  across  the  Atlantic,  i(s  is  time  for  Sheffield 
to  get  itself  into  training,  that  when  the  event  comes  off",  it  may 
not  be  found  too  late  at  the  tape.  The  event  is  yet  in  the  distance, 
but  what  we  desire  to  point  out  to  Sheffield  manufacturers  is  this 
— as  the  winners  of  the  Two  Thousand  Guineas,  the  Oaks,  and  the 
Derby  give  some  indications  of  the  winner  of  the  Great  St.  Leger, 
there  may  be  a  field  in  which  Sheffield  manufacturers  can,  in  the 
event  of  the  reciprocity  treaty  being  ratified,  shoAV  their  capacity 
for  competing  with  Pennsylvanian  manufacturers  on  their  own 
ground,  when  free  trade,  of  which  reciprocity  is  the  first  fruits, 
opens  that  ground  to  international  competition.  England  has  been 
emphatically  assured  by  the  Canadian  Prime  Minister,  the  Canadian 
plenipotentiary,  and — lastlj'  and  most  strongly — by  Lord  Dulferin, 
in  ills  speech  at  Chicago,  that  Canada  will  not  consent  to  a  differ- 
ential arrangement  to  the  prejudice  of  the  mother  country.  //;  vlhvr 
wordn^  what  the  United  States  is  2)<'^rmifted  to  import  into  Canada  at 
specijic,  duty  or  free  of  ditty,  that  also  it  xoill  be  arranged  may  he 
imported  from  the  United  Kingdom  on  precisely  the  same  terms. 
Well,  then,  shall  not  our  iron  and  hardyoare  mami fact  hirers  go  up 
and  possess  the  land  ?  The  import  duties  into  Canada  of  the  articles 
named  arc  as  follows: — 

Per  ceut. 

Canada  plates  and  tin  plates 5 

Sheet  iron 5 

Nail  and  spike  rod  iron 5 

Bar,  rod,  or  hoop  iron 5 

Hoiler  jilate  iron 5 

Rolled  i)late  iron 5 

Brass  or  copper,  manufactured 15 

Hardware 16 

Plated  ware 15 

"  Now,  free  admission    of  all,  or  nearly   all,  these  articles    into 
Canada,  will  no  doubt  be  stipulated  for  on  behalf  of  the  American 


27 

manufacturers  of  them.  If  such  a  stipulatirm  is  ratified,  the  same 
privilege  will  be  conferred  on  English  manufacturers.  Surely  they 
will  not  fail  to  take  advantage  of  it  when  the  disadvantages  they 
will  labor  under  will  be  merely  the  difference  in  freight,  which  will 
always  exist  in  consequence  of  two  thousand  miles  of  ocean  rolling 
between  the  two  countries — a  dilference  which  very  slight  economy 
on  this  side  of  the  water  would  easily  surmount.  Shoals  of  Ameri- 
can citizens  are  passing  over  to  Canada  in  the  summer  season,  and 
as  we,  when  in  a  Continental  country,  buy  our  box  of  cigars,  or 
otiier  cheap  product  of  that  country,  so  American  citizens  in 
Canada  ransack  the  various  cities  and  towns  for  cheap  purcluises ; 
articles  of  JJritish  manufacture  b';'iig  specially'  in  demand.  Our 
serious  advice  to  our  manufacturers  is,  leave  no  stone  unturned  to 
take  the  leading  position  in  the  Canadian  markets  when  the  re- 
ciprocity treaty  is  ratified.  Send  to  tlie  New  Dominion  the  best 
specimens  of  your  manufacture,  and  charge  the  lowest  practicable 
price,  because  in  so  doing  you  will  be  hastening  the  downfall  of 
American  monopoly',  and,  by  your  excellent  workmanship  and  rea- 
sonable charges  in  the  smaller  markets  of  Canada,  throwing  open 
for  yourselves  the  larger  and  almost  unlimited  market  of  the 
American  Union,  and  obtaining  a  foothold  there  from  which,  if  you 
act  with  sustained  energy  and  discretion,  you  can  never  be  driven." 

The  Government  only,  and  not  the  People,  was  to  be  consulted. 

The  editor  of  the  Shellield  Telegraph  was  slightly  mistaken  when 
he  supposed  that  American  manufacturers  would  stipulate  for  the 
free  admission  of  all  or  any  of  the  articles  he  enumerated.  Indeed, 
he  was  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  tactics  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment, as  elucidated  by  her  plenipotentiaries,  would  permit  the 
American  maimfacturers  to  have  any  voice  in  the  matter,  or  pro- 
pose any  stipulations  on  the  subject.  The  cunningly-devised  plan 
of  her  Mnjesty's  representatives  was  to  negotiate  in  secret ;  and 
have  the  treaty  sent  to  the  Senate  for  confirmation  in  the  busy, 
closing  hours  of  the  session,  before  the  protest  of  the  American 
people  could  be  heard.  In  relation  to  this  so-called  treaty  of  re- 
ciprocity one  side  only  was  to  make  propositions  and  to  be  heard 
in  argument. 

The  Direct  Appeal  of  British  Ministers  to  the  American  Senate  and 

People. 

I  have  here  a  copy  of  a  pamphlet  entitled,  "  Memorandum  of  the 
Commercial  Relations,  Past  and  Present,  of  the  British  North 
American  Provinces  with  the  United  States  of  America,"  of  which, 


28 


though  it  was  circulated  conficlentiall_y  in  Washington  durinc?  the 
last  session  of  the  Senate,  1  have  bnt  recently,  after  much  effort  in 
many  directions,  been  able  to  obtain  a  copy.  It  is  dated  at  Wash- 
ington, 27th  of  April,  18T4,  and  is  signed  Edward  Thornton  and 
George  IJrown.  It  purports  to  be  an  impartial  examination  of  the 
commercial  relations  tiiat  have  existed  between  the  United  States 
and  tlie  British  North  American  Provinces  for  the  last  fifty  years. 
It  says:  "An  impartial  examination  of  the  commercial  relations 
that  have  existed  between  the  United  States  and  the  IJritish  North 
American  J*rovinces  for  the  last  fifty  years  cannot  fail  to  establish, 
we  have  ventured  to  think,  beyond  all  doubt,  that  the  trallic  be- 
tween them  has  been  exceedingly  valuable  to  both  countries,  but 
that  the  United  States  have,  from  first  to  last,  reaped  greatly  the 
largest  advantage  from  it."  Time  will  not  permit  me  to  bring  to 
your  notice  the  briefest  abstract  of  this  statement,  but  I  ma}'  re- 
mark, in  passing,  that  if  it  be  full,  fair,  and  frank.  Sir  Edward 
Thornton  and  Mr.  George  Brown  must  feel  that  the  injunction, 
"  Do  unto  others  as  you  Avould  have  otliers  do  unto  you,"  is  inade- 
quate to  express  the  Christian  duty  the  British  and  Canadian  gov- 
ernments owe  to  this  Republic;  for  if  thi'v  wish  to  revive  reciprocity 
at  such  a  cost  to  Canada  as  this  pamphlet  discloses — if  the  treaty 
of  1854  was  as  infinitely  profitable  to  the  United  States  as  they 
represent,  and  they  still  wish  to  revive  it — they  must  believe  that 
the  scriptural  injunction  should  read,  "  Do  unto  others  a  great  deal 
more  than  you  would  hope  or  expect  anybody  to  do  unto  j'ou." 
So  surprised  was  I  when  first  permitted  to  read  this  argument  ad- 
dressed directly  by  Britisli  plenipotentiaries  to  the  American  Senate, 
that,  remembering  Mr.  Larned's  report  on  the  same  subject,  I 
determined  to  compare  the  statements  of  the  British  diplomats 
with  the  facts  as  found  by  the  American  agent.  Mr.  Larned  is  not 
hostile  to  reciprocit}'.  His  report  points  out  many  advantages  tliat 
would  flow  to  both  countries  from  actual  reciprocit}',  ])ut  he  does 
not  find  that  it  had  been  attained  under  tiic  treaty  of  1854,  and  it 
is  apparent  that  he  would  find  still  graver  objections  in  the  unfair- 
ness and  want  of  reciprocity  in  the  proposed  treaty  of  1874. 
Speaking  of  the  trade  under  the  former  treaty  Mr.  Larned  says  : 
"  The  actual  trade,  therefore,  which  occurred  between  the  two 
countries  during  the  existence  of  the  covenant  of  1854  shows  an 
inequality  of  exchanges  very  nearl}'  in  the  projjortion  of  two  to 
one.  Two  hundred  and  thirty-nine  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of 
Canadian  products  found  a  free  market  in  the  United  States  under 
the  provisions  of  the  treaty,  against  one  hundred  and  twenty-four 
millions  of  American  products  for  which  the  treat}'  opened  a  free 


20 


market  in  the  Canadas.  Of  the  total  Canadhm  products  sold  in 
the  United  States  during  a  twelve  years'  period,  ninety-four  per 
cent,  came  free,  and  but  six  per  cent,  pnid  duty,  while  lifty-ciglit 
per  cent,  only  of  tlie  American  commodities  sold  in  Canada  passed 
free  to  tlieir  market,  and  fort,y-two  per  cent,  of  all  paid  tribute  to 
the  custom-houses  of  the  i)rovincial  government.  Moreover,  the 
entire  sales  from  this  country  to  Canada,  free  goods  and  dutiable 
goods,  domestic  products  and  foreign  re-exports,  altogether  aggre- 
gate less  for  the  twelve  years  by  twenty-six  millions  than  the  free, 
goods  whicli  Canadian  producers  were  enabled  by  the  treaty  to  sell 
in  the  United  States." 

In  considering  tlie  question  wliether  reciprocal  free  trade  between 
the  Dominion  and  the  United  States  is  practical >le,  Mr.  Larned 
saj's:  "We  want  not  simply  to  exchange  breadstufis  and  provisions, 
and  coal  and  hides  and  tallow  witli  them,  but  to  sell  tliem  our  own 
cottons,  our  boots  and  shoes,  our  machinery,  and  our  manufactures 
generally,  in  trade  for  their  lumber,  their  live  stock,  their  ashes, 
their  plaster,  tlieir  furs,  their  minerals,  and  the  general  products  of 
their  farmers.  We  want,,  in  fact,,  such  an  adjustment  of  the  trade 
that  the  provinces  shall  not  sell  what  they  have  to  sell  in  the  United 
States  and  buy  what  they  have  to  buy  in  Great  Britain.'''' 

The  facts,,  figures,  and  deductions  of  Mr.  Larned  cannot  be 
reconciled  with  those  presented  in  tliis  pami)hlet  by  her  Majest3''s 
ministers  to  chosen  members  of  tlic  United  States  Senate,  and 
embodied  in  the  chapter  of  tlic  British  Blue  Book  to  whicli,  though 
it  was  not  intended  for  American  circulation,  I  have  referred. 

A  Glance  at  the  Schedules. 

But  let  us  turn  to  the  schedules  containing  tlie  articles  in  wliich 
Canada  is  to  enjoy  by  virtue  of  the  proposed  treaty  free  trade  witli 
both  England  and  the  United  States.  They  are  constructed  witli 
great  ingenuit}',  and  leave  open  irritating  questions  enough  to  in- 
volve us  in  war  twent}'^  times  over.  Tlie  editor  of  the  Sliellield 
Telegraph,  though  mistaken  in  supposing  tliat  the  American  manu- 
factui'ers  would  stipulate  for  the  free  admission  of  the  articles  lie 
enumerated,  was  right  when  he  suggested  that  they  would  be  found 
in  these  schedules.  Here  they  are:  Iron — bar,  hoop,  pig,  puddled, 
rod,  sheet,  or  scrap ;  iron  nails,  spikes,  bolts,  tacks,  brads,  or  sprigs ; 
iron  castings,  axes,  axles,  spades,  shovels,  snaths ;  locomotives  for 
railways  or  parts  thereof;  lead,  sheet  or  pig;  mill,  or  factoiy,  or 
steamboat  fixed  engiaes  and  machines,  or  parts  tliereof ;  printing 
type,  presses,  and  folders,  paper  cutters,  ruling  macliines,  page- 
numbering  machines,  stereotyping  and  electrotyping  apparatus,  or 


80 

parts  thereof;  railroad  cars,  carriages,  and  trucks,  or  parts  thereof; 
steel,  wroiifviit  and  cast,  and  steel  plates  and  rails  ;  tin  tiilu's  and 
piping;  water-wheel  machines  and  apparatus,  or  parts  thereof; 
tweeds  of  wool  sold}' ;  printing  paper  for  newspapers,  etc.  etc., 
ad  itifinUum, 

Such  Reciprocity  would  end  in  War. 

In  examining  the  list  of  articles  embraced  by  the  schedules,  or 
proi)osed  free  list,  as  I  hope  each  of  you  will  do,  you  will  be  struck 
by  the  ingenuit}'  with  which  many  of  our  industries  wiiich  give 
work  and  wages  to  great  numbers  of  peoi)le  are  to  be  involved  in 
free  competition  with  the  lower  wages  of  England  and  Scotland, 
and  with  which  grave  questions  are  left  open  for  future  settlement. 
The  terms  of  the  treaty  refer  to  articles  the  growth,  production,  or 
manufacture  of  the  Dominion  or  the  United  States.  Let  us,  as  an 
illustration,  consider  this  clause  of  schedule  C.  Manufactures  of 
wood  solely,  or  wood  nailed,  bound,  hinged,  or  locked  with  metal 
materials.  Are  the  metal  materials  with  which  the  articles  may  be 
nailed,  bound,  hinged,  or  locked,  required  to  be  of  the  growtii  and 
production  of  the  country,  or  could  such  metal  be  procured  in  its 
finished  condition  from  England,  and  sent  into  this  country  free  of 
duty  under  this  clause  ?  If  "  and"  had  been  used  instead  of  "  or," 
so  that  articles  must  be  the  growth,  production,  and  manufacture 
of  the  country,  the  question  would  be  more  simple,  but  then  Eng- 
land would  take  no  interest  in  the  treaty.  In  the  course  of  a  dis- 
cussion of  the  sul)ji'cl  a  Canadian  asks  who  is  to  determine  what 
are  the  products  and  manufactures  of  the  countries  respectively. 
"  Is,"  said  he,  "  a  spade  or  axe  imported  from  England  to  pass 
into  the  United  States  free  of  duty  under  the  new  treaty,  because 
we  in  Canada  have  put  a  handle  to  it?"  The  speaker  admitted 
that  this  might  seem  an  extreme  case,  but  added  that  he  selected 
an  extreme  case  to  illustrate  his  argument.  If  differences  arise  as 
to  the  construction  of  these  clauses,  what  court  will  settle  them  ? 
Shall  we  refer  our  tariff  laws  and  customs  regulations  to  a  joint 
high  commission  ?  Under  the  teachings  of  our  representatives  of 
tlie  Manchester  School  of  Economy,  the  spade  in  question  would 
undoubtedly  enter  free  as  a  manufacture.  Mr.  Edward  Atkinson 
asserts  tliat  pig-iron  and  cast-steel  are  raw  material,  because  pig- 
iron  will  certainl}'  be  advanced,  and  cast-steel  is  used  as  the  material 
out  of  which  tools,  surgical  instruments,  and  other  articles  are 
manufactured  ;  thus,  broadcloth,  in  liis  loose  way  of  thinking,  is 
not  only  the  material,  but  the  raw  material  of  the  tailor.  More 
accurate  thinkers,  while  admitting  that  broadcloth  is  the  material 


81 

of  the  tailor,  and  steel  the  material  from  which  saws  and  other 
tools  are  fashioned,  take  care  to  define  them  as  the  maiiufaotured 
or  advanced  materials  whicii  others,  by  their  skill  and  labor,  will 
still  further  advance. 

Again,  we  find  in  this  same  schedule  printing  paper  for  news- 
papers. What  phraseology  could  be  simpler  or  more  direct  than 
that?  But  suppose  our  markets  should  l)e  flooded  with  the  fine 
sized  ])aper  upon  which  our  best  illustrated  journals  are  printed, 
and  it  siiould  be  found,  as  has  l)een  the  case  in  our  experience,  that 
the  dimensions  of  the  sheets  had  been  so  arranged  as  to  jK-rmit 
them  to  be  cut  without  loss  into  cap,  post,  and  note  paper.  We 
could  not  prevent  the  consignment  of  more  paper,  because  the 
market  was  glutted,  and  snch  paper  was  being  cut  to  sizes  and  used 
to  the  detriment  of  our  makers  of  writing  paper.  Nor  could  we 
prevent  parties  from  using  it  as  cap,  i)ost,  or  note  paper,  though 
the  treat}'  had  brought  it  through  the  custom  house  free  as 
printing  paper.  And,  again,  we  have  tweeds  of  wool  solely.  What 
are  tweeds  ?  It  is  a  commercial  designation,  and  the  articles  to 
which  it  applies  change  with  the  fashion,  and  the  name  migiit  cover 
in  our  markets  as  many  varieties  of  woollen  cloths  as  were  once 
called  serges  and  druggets  in  Portugal.  But  if  this  be  regarded 
as  an  imaginary'  danger,  is  there  not  a  real  and  grave  one  in  the 
jjrobability  of  yarns  being  spun  and  dyed  and  brought  free  of  duty 
into  Canada,  to  be  woven  or  manufactured  into  every  kind  of  cloth 
for  free  entry  into  our  market?  Would  this  be  fair  to  France,  to 
Belgium,  and  Germany,  whose  fabrics  of  tlie  same  kind  would  be 
liable  to  tlie  duties  imposed  by  our  tariff?  Am  I  wrong  in  think- 
ing the  American  people  would  compel  the  government,  even  at  the 
cost  of  war,  to  disregard  a  treaty  so  replete  witii  fraudulent  de- 
vices by  which  to  work  their  ruin  ? 

It  is  proper  that  1  should  say  that  I  have  selected  these  clauses 
almost  at  random,  and  not  because  they  arc  the  most  striking  or 
fraught  with  graver  consequences  than  scores  of  otiiers  I  might 
have  taken,  but  because  some  illustrations  were  needed  to  show 
what  a  field  this  treaty  would  oi)en  for  future  diplomac}^  and  arbi- 
tration, and,  in  spite  of  diplomacy  and  arbitration,  for  war  with  all 
its  horrors. 


Would  not  Reciprocity  be  Beneficial  ? 

But  I  detain  j'oti  too  long,  and  yet  before  I  close  I  should,  per- 
haps, consider  the  question  whether  reciprocit}'  between  our 
northern  neighbor  and  ourselves,  if  ])0ssil)le,  would  not  be  bene- 
ficial ?     To  this  question  I  answer,  yes.     Whatever  increases  the 


32 


productive  nctivities  of  n  people  is  a  blessing,  nnd  those  of  the 
Caimdiau  people,  now  nnniherincf  about  four  niillions,  woultl  be 
vastly  (luiekened  could  tliey  liave  access  to  our  markets,  wliile  we 
should  not  fail  to  receive  sonic  slight  advantiige  from  freer  access 
to  their  more  limited  markets  ;  but  the  contrast  between  the  mar- 
kets of  four  millions  of  people,  whose  rivers  are  ice-bound  nearly 
half  the  year,  during  whlcii  they  have  no  commercial  outlet  except 
through  our  territor}'  by  rail,  and  those  of  forty  millions  of  more 
active  and  prosperous  people,  whose  rivers  arc  never  obstructed  by 
ice,  arc  by  no  means  reciprocal.  15ut  will  we  derive  no  advantages 
from  the  widening  and  deepening  of  the  Welland  Canal,  and  the 
improvement  of  the  channel  of  the  St.  Lawrence  ?  Yes,  the  people 
of  our  country  inhabiting  certain  comparatively  limited  sections 
would  be  greatly  benefited  \\y  this  ;  l)ut  it  is  a  privilege  they  need 
not  purchase.  They  must  get  it.  The  very  existence  of  the  Do- 
minion demands  the  speedy  completion  of  these  works.  Without 
them  all  their  interests  languish,  and  an  ample  answer  to  the  sophis- 
tical memorandum  of  commercial  relations  prcjiared  b}'  Sir  f]dward 
Thornton  and  Mr.  George  IJrown,  b}'  which  they  show  sucii  mar- 
vellously favorable  results  to  the  United  States  from  reciprocity, 
are  answered  by  the  indisputable  fact  that  during  the  existence  of 
the  treaty  few  or  no  Canadians  emigrated  to  the  United  States, 
but  that  with  the  cessation  of  the  treaty  there  began  a  flow  of 
Canadian  immigration  into  this  country  whicii  has  been  so  stcad}'^ 
and  so  large  that  Canadian-French  is  found  to  be  the  prevailing 
language  in  many  of  the  new  numufacturing  towns  of  New  Eng- 
land, and  Canadians  are  found  in  largo  numbers  in  all  the  Western 
States  and  Territories  of  our  country.  Indeed,  so  great  has  been 
the  immigration  of  French  Canadians  to  this  country,  that  a  public 
effort  has  recently  ])eon  set  on  foot  to  induce  them  to  return  fi'om  their 
more  prosperous  homes  in  the  United  States  to  tiie  land  of  their 
nativity  upon  our  northern  borders.  It  will  not  be  easy  for  Sir 
Edward  Thornton  and  Mr.  George  Brown  to  persuade  the  Ameri- 
can people  that  the  Canadians  adhered  to  their  native  land  with 
French  tenacity  for  twelve  3'ears,  during  which  the  people  of  the 
United  States  were  absorbing  their  wealth,  and  that  when  the  cause 
of  their  suffering  had  l)een  removed  by  the  rescinding  of  the  treat}' 
of  1854,  they  emigrated  from  their  then  more  prosperous  country 
by  hundreds  of  thousands. 

On  this  point  one  of  the  daily  newspapers  of  Montreal  said  in 
October,  1870:  "  Statistics  tell  us,  and  any  one  who  has  travelled 
in  the  United  States  will  confirm  the  fact,  that  we  annuall}'  suffer 
heavier  losses  from  native  persons  leaving  the  country  than  the 


33 


totnl  figure  of  the  immigrntion  returns.  There  nrc,  nt  n  low  com- 
putntion,  Imlf  a  million  of  nativc-liorn  Cnnft(li;ins  now  domiciled 
in  the  United  States.  They  have  established  themselves  in  the 
Republic,  not  because  they  prefer  that  form  of  government,  but 
because  the  spirit  of  enterprise  seems  to  have  died  out  on  this  Boil, 
and  they  sec  no  field  opened  to  skilled  industry."  That  was  less 
than  four  years  from  the  termination  of  the  reciprocity  treaty. 
Mr.  Larned  tells  us  that  it  was  said  in  a  public  address,  by  one  of 
the  prominent  men  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  a  little  more  than  a 
year  before  the  date  of  his  report,  that  "  the  immigration  of  com- 
mon laborers  to  the  States  is  something  actually  alarming,  and  it 
could  not  be  otherwise,  for  our  water-powers  arc  neglected,  our 
mines  are  closed,  and  we  have  no  means  of  furnishing  emplo^-mcnt 
to  our  people ;"  and  he  adds,  "  within  a  few  weeks  past,  to  cite  one 
more  authorit}',  the  leading  newspaper  of  the  city  of  Quebec,  the 
Daily  CJii'oniclc,  made  the  following  statement,  which  is  fullof  signifl. 
cance:  '  Unfortunatelj',  it  is  a  truism,  and  requires  no  demonstra- 
tion, that  ship-building,  formerly  the  main  industry  of  Quebec,  lias 
almost  ceased  to  exist,  and  that,  conse(iuently,  our  laboring  popu- 
lation, the  very  bone  and  sinew  of  the  body  politic,  are  commencing 
to  seek  in  the  adjoining  Republic  that  erai)loyment  which  they  see 
no  longer  can  be  found  here.  Too  many,  indeed,  already,  we  fear, 
have  removed  permanently  from  our  provinces.'  " 

The  Prosperity  of  Canada  depends  on  our  Carrying  Trade. 

The  truth  is  that  Canada  cannot  exist  without  our  carrj'ing  trade. 
It  is  our  traflUc  that  is  making  Montreal  a  great  shipping  port, 
whence  western  grain  and  provisions  are  sent  to  Liverpool,  Belfast, 
Glasgow,  and  other  British  ports,  thus  supporting  not  only  the 
Canadian  railway  S3'stem,  but  her  ship-yards  and  steam-marine. 
Without  this  trade  no  railroad  or  canal  in  the  Dominion  would  be 
a  remunerative  property,  and  many  of  them  would  not  earn  enough 
to  meet  current  expenses.  On  this  point  Mr.  Larned  justly  says, 
"No  one  will  question  that  we  find  couA'cnience  and  advantage  in 
the  use  of  Canadian  channels  for  the  passage  of  our  commerce 
between  the  eastern  and  western  States,  and  that  we  find  profit  in 
acting  as  the  carriers  of  so  large  a  part  of  the  commerce  of  Canada 
with  the  outside  world.  Both  these  arrangements  of  trade  are  of 
important  value  to  this  country,  and  its  interests  would  sutfer 
materially  from  any  suspension  of  either ;  but  the  difference  in  the 
situation  of  the  two  countries  with  reference  to  that  is  very  marked. 
To  the  Canadian  pi'ovinces  their  importance  is  nothing  less  than 
vital,  since,  on  the  one  hand,  the  very  sustenance  of  the  arterial 
3 


84 

system  of  the  Ciinaclfts  is  derived  from  tlu'  American  commerce 
wliicli  circuliites  tlirougii  it;  while,  on  tlie  otlier  Imnd,  tlieir  own 
coniniorco  witli  tlie  worUl  abroad  can  only  l)C  conducted  at  exceed- 
ing disadvantage,  if  at  all,  for  five  months  of  the  year,  otherwise 
than  across  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  and  by  the  privilege 
of  the  customs  reguhitions  of  the  American  government." 

If,  therefore,  the  Dominion  desires  to  increaso  its  vital  force  to 
promote  immigration  and  pernument  seltlcmcnt,  and  to  develop  the 
unquestioned  mineral  resources  of  the  country,  she  must  invite  our 
carrying  trade,  by  olfering  it  superior  facilities — must  open  such 
channels  and  build  such  railroads  as  will  accommodate  it ;  and  must 
manage  them  in  such  .i  way  and  for  such  rates  of  toll  as  will  trans- 
port our  products  through  her  territory  cheaper  and  more  expedi- 
tiously than  it  can  be  done  over  our  own.  Why,  then,  should  we 
endanger  our  industries  and  involve  ourselves  in  entanglements 
with  England  from  which  war  alone  can  relieve  us,  as  consideration 
for  Canada  doing  that  without  doing  Avhich  she  cannot  live  and  grow  ? 

V      Our  True  Position  on  the  Question. 

The  trade  between  the  Dominion  and  us  cannot,  from  the  very 
nature  of  things,  be  reciprocal  while  she  continues  to  be  a  part  of 
the  British  Empire,  and  can  only  become  so  when  the  same  flag  shall 
wave  over  both  countries,  and  the  people  of  each  shall  bear  their 
share  of  the  burdens  imposed  upon  us  by  the  recent  war,  which  the 
Canadians  did  so  much  to  prolong.  Then  labor  in  either  country 
will  find  equal  rewards,  which  it  now  does  not.  Meanwhile,  ladies 
and  gentlemen,  I  say  to  you,  as  I  said  to  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives on  the  7th  of  March,  18C6,  "  Let  us  maintain  our  rights,  our 
interests,  and  our  country's  dignity.  Let  us  go  on  our  Avay  as 
though  there  were  no  British  provinces,  and  the  mere  action  of 
British  legislation  constraining  their  people  to  unrequited  agricul- 
tural labor  will  make  them  sigh  for  our  prosperity,  and  then  we 
shall  find  that  the  American  Constitution  is  as  elastic  as  it  is  grand 
and  enduring.  It  has  expanded  to  embrace  immense  tracts  of  ter- 
ritory. Our  flag  has  swept  from  the  limits  of  the  original  thirteen 
States  to  the  Pacific  and  southward  to  the  Rio  Grande ;  and,  sir 
when  the  people  of  Canada  shall,  as  they  will  if  we  protect  our 
labor,  ask  to  unite  their  destinies  with  ours,  the  world  will  receive 
additional  proof  that  when  Providence  impelled  our  fathers  to  the 
creation  of  our  government,  it  gave  tl^em  the  wisdom  to  bless  us 
with  a  Constitution  which  is  the  fit  canopy  of  a  continent,  and  will 
yet  crown  one." 

Here  I  should  pause,  but  you  will  bear  with  me  a  few  minutes 


85 

more.     I  cannot  believe,  Indeed  I  will  not  believe,  that  the  Senate 
will  consent  to  the  nitidcation  of  this  treaty. 

But  the  fact  tliat  a  treaty  which  would  deprive  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives of  its  conHtitiitional  right  to  regulate  the  revenues 
of  the  government,  revolutionize  our  revenue  system,  and  compel 
us  to  depend  chielly  on  direct  taxation,  as  this  one  would,  could  bo 
concocted  in  England  and  matured  with  such  cunning  amplitude  of 
detail  as  this  has  been,  and  be  presented  to  our  government  as  an 
expression  of  the  wishes  of  the  Canadian  people,  and  the  further 
fact  that  her  IJritannic  Majesty's  ministers  plenipotentiary  could 
use  the  columns  of  many  of  our  papers,  and  employ  such  agencies 
as  are  described  in  the  letter  I  have  read,  to  influence  the  opinions 
of  Senators  and  members  of  Congress,  and  that  our  own  people 
should  be  permitted  to  know  little  or  nothing  of  these  movements 
until  on  the  eve  of  adjournment  the  treaty  was  submitted  to  the 
Senate,  illustrates  a  possibility  of  danger  against  which  the  people 
should  demand  a  constitutional  safeguard.     The  next  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  sji   .ild,  in  my  judgment,  be  one  limiting  the 
treaty-making  power,  an     _ i.arding  against  Executive  encroachment 
upon  the  constitutional  rigwt  of  the  Kopresentatives  of  the  people 
to  regulate  the  revenues  <  '    'le  country. 


